Premeditated Framing of Innocent Muslims in False Terror Charges Premeditated Framing of Innocent Muslims in False Terror Charges Mustafa Khan Even Keel Malegaon March 20, 2014 Mustafakhan1948@gmail.com 9960225763 9028225763 Kutch yad unheyn bhi karlo, jo laut key ghar na aaye/ tum bhool na jao unko is liye kahi yeh kahani [remember something of them who did not return home/lest you forget them( and some others) their tale is narrated here. ] Contents Introduction Chapter 1 Ehtesham Kutubuddin Siddiquy Accused No 4 Chapter 2 Fahim Arshad Ansari Aquitted with a Serious Trail of Deliberation Chapter 3 Six years of willful criminal attempt to frame an indigent Muslim youth: Noorulhodha Chapter 4 The Classic Case of Deliberate Arrest of two Brothers Chapter 5 Abhinav Bharat: not banning a step into the dark abyss Chapter 6 Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy Chapter 7 Hindutva Skylabab of Gujarat Chapter 8 Asif Bashir Khan Chapter 9 Abrar Ahmad Conundrum of Malegaon September 2006 Chapter 10 “From the day of my Arrest… Chapter 11 Because they were Muslims they were framed Chapter 12 Of Javed Mozawala Chapter 13 Deconstructing the Confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy Chapter 14 Will framing of innocent Muslims in terror charges ever end? Chapter 15 The imbroglio that is Batla House, Bhatkal town, and Pune German Bakery blasts… Chapter 16 The Anti Terrorism Squad (Maharashtra) and Truth Did Raj Verdhan Sinha trespass ATS Chapter 17 Why Maharashtra is embroiled in terrorism Chapter 18 Framing innocent Muslims to divert attention from real terrorists Chapter 19 More than who killed, who masterminded assassination of Karkare is important Index Introduction Premeditated framing of innocent Muslims was a ubiquitous phenomenon that did no good to India. India jumped on the bandwagon of war on terrorism led by the US when our government was in the hands of a right wing Hindutva party and its allies. PM AB Vajpayee and his deputy LK Advani had subscribed to the nefarious theory of Samuel Huntington. Such was the weltanschauung of 9/11that Muslims were blamed for terrorism. The government in Delhi toed the line “either you are with us against us.” The hunting of the innocent Muslims and framing them in serious charges shows how utterly helpless the minority community was at the onslaught upon them when its well educated youths were snatched away from their poor families and dumped in dungeons across India. The police also practiced extraordinary renditions of keeping the youths in unknown locations and torturing them before resurfacing and bringing them to court for bogus confession. Fahim Ansari is one of uncountable instances of this. It can never be too late to reclaim our democratic commitment and secularism enshrined in the Constitution. The first step in this direction is to account for in how many cases and how many innocents who had to pay with their youthful working hours as only breadwinners of their families languished in prisons. As preeminently the accused came from Muslim minority their wrongful arrest and incarceration created disaffection of a sizable section of Indian society which ought to have weighed on the law enforcement authorities including the police and the investigative agencies and even the judiciary. But it did not. Hence their guilt is cardinal. Having stated this it is equally true of thousands others non Muslims imprisoned, many of them may be innocent. But they do not have discrimination based on religion as the dynamic of arrest. The two cases are not identical. Therefore the discrimination of religion is communalism a far more serious threat. Blaming one as terrorists and the others as strayed does require introspection. Bal Thackeray vociferously asked the Maoists to train Hindutva suicide squad against the Muslims for his own self styled terror for terror and Aseemanand’s and Himani Savarkar’. Another dimension is playing politics as Narendra Modi and Amit Shah played in Gujarat in flagrant violation of the law of the land. They in collusion with the ace agency Intelligence Bureau special director Rajendra Kumar blamed innocent Muslims like Ishrat Jahan as terrorists and liquidated them using guns from the arsenal of the agency and the police as did Lt Col Prasad Purohit in the case of the Naga rebel leader in Delhi sourcing weapons and RDX from the army. Planting government purchased arms on innocent Muslims as terrorists to win election in Gujarat has come home to roost. It has driven the judiciary almost to the edge of dysfunctional. A mufti is spirited away to Pakistan because he was the one who was behind Modi’s rival Haren Pandya assassination and more than ten Muslims had to languish more than eight years in jail. All this in the name of religion! More than four years after acquittal of Fahim Ansari and Sabauddin Ahmad in the 26/11 case there is no progress in the Rampur CRPF camp attack case in which they have been enmeshed. They will have lost their whole youth before they get justice! What price innocents pay for being innocent! Most of the bomb attacks of the first decade of twenty first century were mounted by the Hindutva pracharaks or RSS heads of their units at state or district level. Dwender Gupta, Sunil Joshi, Narendra Modi, Sandeep Dange, Ramji Kalsangra have all been RSS pracharaks. Since the days of the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi the multiheaded hydera that is RSS has grown enormously in power and influence as well as in use of more deadly weapons of mass casualties. According to Indian Express dated February 6, 1948 Prof Varahadpande of City College in Nagpur was arrested. Another professor of science of the same college disappeared because he had foretold his students on January 29, 1948 that Gandhiji would be assassinated. RSS leader of Nagpur had presented Nathuram Godse with a gun to kill Gandhiji. There was also a send off party given by the Marathi paper editor who had presented the weapon. In Benares on the same day February 6, 1984 Devendra Kumar Wadse was arrested at Mirzapur where he had surrendered and then he was brought to Benares and sent to Lucknow for his involvement in the conspiracy. This was the spread and strength of RSS then which also included Bombay where VD Savarkar handed over tickets to Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte to fly to Delhi. It is also a fact that Godse was circumcised in JJ Hospital so that the suspicion would fall on the Muslims for the assassination. Bringing fast and forward to 2006 those who were killed and injure in Nanded blast were RSS activists. Another group of the same was behind the blasts in Malegaon for which Muslims were blamed and incarcerated. Ramji Kalsangra had Muslim skull caps and kurta or tunic and lungi brought to the town so that the suspicion would fall on the Muslims. The same was replayed on March 9, 2014 when four persons in a Scorpio belonging to Jai Gurudev Sewa dressed as Muslims at least one of them were exhorting people to shun beef at Netoli chowk Kalyan. The local Muslims questioned them how could theybe asking people not to eat meat and be Muslims. Someone broke the glass windows. Inspector Vijay Bhise of Mahatma Phule police station called it “misunderstanding.” But the local people including the imam of Jama masjid Maulana Mohammad Idris said that the people in the car were wearing Islamic dress and had beards. Each such case has a common design with varying situation and different actors. Chapter 1 Ehtesham Kutubuddin Siddiquy, Accused No 4 Case: 7/11 Mumbai local train attack MCOCA Special Case No.21/2006 Case: Fake encounter Wadala August 22, 2006 Police obstructing justice and destroying evidence and thieving There are two cases in which Ehtesham K Siddiquy is trapped. One is the serial bomb blasts in local trains in Mumbai on July 11, 2006 where he along with Asif Bashir Khan alias Junaid alias Abdulla and Mohammad Faisal Ataur Rehman Shaikh is accused of planting bombs. But on April 25, 2013 Bharti Airtel officer appeared in the court with phone records that showed that he was not at the site of the blasts. (1)The three were either at their work place or at home. Ehtesham was at Mira Road the whole day on 7/11. The other case is that he is a witness to a fake encounter that took place in Wadala, Mumbai, where the police killed one Mohammad Ali believed to be a Pakistani on August 22, 2006. Ehteshan had seen him in Kala Chowki office of ATS. (2) On August 3, 2013 the jail authorities of Arthur Road took Ehtesham Siddiquy to Kurla court. In his absence the current Superintendent Gond Patil, former Superintendent Swati Sathe currently Additional Director General of Police Maharashtra and ATS officer entered the barracks. They searched Ehtesham’s belongings and spread his papers, then picked up a file, his daily journal and items of everyday use. As they were doing it a fellow accused in the same case Sajid Ansari and other inmates objected to them Patil said that he would return them soon. On his return from Kurla court Ehtesham filed a complaint in the MCOCA court, to the police station at NM Joshi Marg and to the chief secretary of Home department complaining disappearance of important documents including the charge sheet on the fake encounter. He was preparing his defense in the continuing trial in court of the case of the fake encounter of Mohammad Ali, a Pakistani. Ehtesham had seen the Pakistani Mohammad Ali in Kala Chowki headquarters of Anti Terrorism Squad of Maharashtra. Subsequently Mohammad Ali was killed in the fake encounter on August 22, 2006 in Wadala, Mumbai. Ehtesham appealed to the MCOCA court to order inquiry in the case and requested the court to recover his documents including the charge sheet in the fake encounter on which he was preparing his argument. He requested the NM Joshi marg police station to register a case of theft and conspiracy against the jail authorities. Furthermore he appealed to the principal secretary of Home department to stop the jail authorities from entering his barrack in his absence and searching his belongings. In the court the government prosecutor Raja Thakre argued that Ehtesham should complain against the jail authorities and not against the prosecution. In the fake encounter case he had prepared some points in defense argument for his sake when he would be presented in the court. He now complains that the jail authorities have hatched a conspiracy and taken away his papers to show to the prosecution how to prepare to counter his argument and thus weaken the defense case. He had meticulously prepared point by point how to defend his argument that he had seen the Pakistani Mohammad Ali whom the ATS were questioning before they killed him in the fake encounter on August 22, 2006. Points to note On September 8, 2006 four bombs exploded in Malegaon. At that precise time there was a man called Mohammad Ali Shaikh present in the Kurla ATS office. The news channel showed the scenes of explosions in Malegaon. Just at that moment an ATS officer killed in 26/11 along with Hemant Karkare, Vijay Salaskar and another police officer Maeykar PI greeted the news with great joy and remarked that the Bajrang Dal had taken revenge in Malegaon for the train blasts in Mumbai on 7/11.(3) This Mohammad Ali Shaikh is different from the Pakistani the ATS had killed on August 22, 2006. Mohammad Ali Shaikh was falsely accused in the Malegaon blasts of September 8, 2006 and also in 7/11. He has been given bail in Malegaon case but not in 7/11. He was questioned in the night of November 10, 2006 at his house in Shivajinager Govandi in Mumbai. Next day on November 11, the police arrested him and slapped terrorism charges on him of his involvement in Malegaon 2006 blasts. (4) This rigmarole in framing innocent Muslims shows that the Mohammad Ali killed in Wadala fake encounter was from Pakistan but the police found an Indian Muslim with that name to bear the cross of guilt. When arrested Mohammad Ali sheikh was 37 years old salesman living with wife Saidunisa and children. For the same case of 7/11 the ATS arrested 13 men but two years later the Crime Branch arrested five Indian Mujahideen and charged them. Ehtesham had filed 1500 RTI applications of which 400 deal with 7/11. He says: "I asked for the minutest of details—date of arrest, place where we were kept, platforms on which the trains had halted. Initially, the replies were vague; today our defence case stands on the information gathered under the Act." This shows that he was innocent and had to struggle so hard for gathering proof for his acquittal. "Earlier, even when we screamed out loud that we were innocent, no one listened to us. Today, we are backing it with evidence." "I am putting these years in jail to good use. Life in prison can bring out the worst in a person. If the mind is not channeled into doing something constructive, the strongest of men can break down." Police strategy The police in India are wont to arrest innocent Muslims and falsely charge them in multiple cases of terrorism. This strategy makes it difficult for the victims to come out of prison for years on end and even after a decade. Grave and cataclysmic indications Ashish Khaitan has appealed through his letter to the high court in Maharashtra about what he pertinently claims: “My research has shown that at least in three cases prosecuted by ATS Maharashtra, namely the July 11 2006 Mumbai local train blasts, the 2006 Malegaon Blasts and the Pune German Bakery case of February 2010, the ATS has deliberately created bogus evidence, extracted false confessions by the most inhuman torture, planted explosives in the houses of the accused and thus implicated innocent Muslim youth.”(5) What he has not taken into notice is even more disturbing namely that the director general of police of Maharashtra Dr Pasricha had claimed that behind the serial bomb blasts of July 11, 2006 there was a Maharashtrian leader and behind the September 8, 2006 blasts in Malegaon were the activists of Bajrang Dal. No one heeded this remark he made in public on September 9, 2006. A Marathi newspaper called Punnynagri dated September 11, 2006 referred this only to castigate and scorn Dr PS Pasricha as bejabaddar police pramaukh “irresponsible police chief.” This writer has a copy of it and he has guessed that leader to be either Bal Thackeray or Sharad Pawar. His ground of suspicion is that the two were cronies and were the only leaders who called shots in the state in the nineties of the last century and the first decade of the 21st century. For example it was Thackeray who exhorted Hindus on January 6 1993 to retaliate to Muslims in Mumbai [Bombay, then] which led to manslaughter of the minority community people in the city and in the first decade of 21st century he time and again expressed need for suicide bomber squads of Hindus to take on the Muslims. Pawar was the defence minister at that time and through his intervention Madhukar Saroptdar was not arrested although he was caught with arms he was supplying to the Shiv Sainiks to kill Muslims. What is even more remarkable is that the then Chief Minister Sudhakar Naik had blamed Pawar for the blood bath in Mumbai and it was again Pawar who managed to invite Saroptdar to meet the Prime Minister Narsimha Rao who toured the city at that time. So the question arises as to who is ultimately responsible for the arrest of Ehtesham and others? Only the police??? The editorial in the Marathi newspaper also describes that there was a move in the Maharashtra legislative assembly on breach of privileges against Dr Pasricha. If the Maharashtra government were serious in fighting terrorism they should have asked the police chief to furnish proof of the Maharashtrian leader behind the train blasts and Bajrang Dal’s involvement in Malegaon 2006 blasts. The government included Congress and Nationalist Congress Party of Sharad Pawar members. For both the attacks Ehtesham and other Muslims had to languish in prison and are still doing it with justice clearly denied to them. It is in this context it is relevant to quote Khaitan, “I am aware that normally, investigation of crime is the task of the police and verdicts of guilt or innocence, the realm of courts. What makes me intervene in this process is the fact that the same has become the reverse of what it is intended to be. When the police deliberately obstructs justice and misleads courts of law, it cannot be left unchecked.” The gravamen of the situation is that “None of these agencies [ATS, Crime Branch of Mumbai and others] placed the entire relevant material before the MCOCA court trying an entirely unconnected set of 13 men for 7/11 Blasts. Why?” Was the Maharashtrian leader really involved so powerful to derail investigation? Who is he? Eshtesham was arrested a month after 7/11 blasts. His arrest in August 2006 indicates that he belongs to the 13 accused in the blasts. They were accused by ATS under KP Raghuvanshi. But then Hemant Karkare replaced Raghuvanshi and remarked on August 16, 2008 that he had not come across SIMI involvement in any case. (6) It proves that the thirteen arrested for 7/11 were innocent Muslims framed on deliberate false charges. Ehtesham was arrested in August 2006 and was one of the 13. There serious and worrisome implications of this. One that according to Malegaon 2006 blasts accused Abrar Ahmed Raghuvanshi had tried to bribe him into owning his involvement in return he would get fabulous amount of money, land and flats and assurance that he would be bailed out. Suboth Kumar Jaiswal was Raghuvanshi’s assistant and Sachin Kadam of ATS and Malegaon ASP Rajwardhan Sinha visited Abrar on September 1, 2008 and told him that they would remove the new investigators [Karkare and his assistants]who were changing the investigation that Raghuvanshi had done and then they would take Abrar out of jail after two and half months. Thus Karkare was assassinated according to this deep conspiracy and Raghuvanshi succeeded Karkare who died on November 26, 2008. It was therefore Raghuvanshi who turned the investigation to the 13 accused who were already in jail for two years. But the new set of 5 Indian Mujahideen with Sadiqu Shaikh were arrested in 2008 by the Crime Branch and supposed to be real bombers of 7/11. The farce that the ATS and MCOCA court is conducting is trying the 13 (including Ehtesham) who were not really involved. Consequences: Raghuvanshi could not win over Abrar accused in September 8 2006 blasts who turned hostile and renounced his being an approver but Raghuvanshi got Sadiqu discharged from the earlier case of July 11, 2006 serial blasts in the trains. This is an excellent game that Raghuvanshi and RR Patil the Home Minister played, the game that Khaitan calls “pick and choose” terrorists. These worthies are like the police officer inspector Thomas in Arundhati Roy’s novel The God of Small Things who tapped the breasts of a woman while accusing her of adultery with his baton as if he was picking and choosing mangoes from a cart in market! ---- (1) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/we-weren-t-on-the-trains.../1111537/0 (2) Inquilab Friday August 16, 2013. 3) Inquilab Sunday magazine August 17, 2008. (4)Sunday Express, Mumbai edition November 6, 2011. (5) http://gulail.com/ashish-khetan-petitions-before-the-bombay-high-court/ (6) Urdu Times August 16, 2008. Chapter 2 Case: 7/11 Mumbai local train attack Fahim Arshad Ansari Acquittal with a trail of serious deliberation Fahim Fahim Arshad Ansari was arrested on February 12, 2008 for the attack on the CRPF camp in Rampur, UP. He along with Sabbaudin was also charged with providing important details of location in Mumbai of strategic buildings and sites for possible terrorist attacks by Lashka-r-Toiba. Such locations included offices of Mumbai Police Commissioner, Director General of Police, Gateway of India, Colaba, Tajmahal hotel, Churchgate railway station, Reliance energy and AKSA beach. (1)Judge ML Tahilani of Mumbai high court dismissed the charges because Ajmal Kasab and Ismail Khan were directed to remain in VT now known as CST. (2) Ismail Khan was killed and Kasab was shot at and injured and was hanged in 2013. The judge also laughed away the prosecution presenting a hand drawn map of the sites in the handwriting of Fahim when better and accurate maps by Google Earth with GPS and VoIP were used by the handlers of the terrorist attackers. This is a serious flaw in the investigation because it proves the involvement of the police in Mumbai in framing innocent educated Muslim youths in terror charges. Fahim lived in Goregaon and his own city’s police framing him is a betrayal. The judge had closely ascertained from Kasab and found that Kasab and Ismail Khan were not instructed to go to Chowpatty or the Gateway of India and some other places. It shows up the Mumbai police added names of location according to the whim and calculation in framing the Muslim youths. The leading public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam acted like cock of the walk in presenting the case and collecting huge amount of money as his fees. Fahim Ansari on acquittal The Maharashtra government had appealed against the high court verdict but the Supreme Court upheld the acquittal in August 2012. A year later Fahim is still languishing in jain as the the Bareilly court is trying for his alleged involvement in the Rampur attack. To fight the case his wife Yasmin had to sell her flat in Bandra. Yasmeen with her son in her flat The facts of arrest Fahim was actually arrested on February 1st, 2008 from Lucknow and for an hour was kept in Lok chowky police station in that city. The Special Task Force shifted him from there to an unknown place and kept him in a bungalow for fifteen days. (3) Torture and forced false confession His hands were handcuffed in chain and tied to a place. The police prevented him from sleep except for two to three hours and tortured him. They forced him to make maps of Mumbai with locations marked. They also tortured him into signing blank papers. They even threatened to kill him in fake encounter. Once they took him to a farm at night with his head covered in black cloth. They pointed their guns at him and ordered him to run. The premonition of imminent death in encounter scared him so much that he burst out weeping and crying. Then they told him that if he did what they wanted they would not kill him. Thereafter he did three things they subsequently told him to do: one, they prepared fictitious stories of involvement in terror and asked him to sign, two, draw maps of Mumbai and , three, blank papers he was told to sign. He did what they told. This went on for ten days. Then the police took him to Rampur in the morning of February 10th and kept him in an unknown place. At 5 in the evening they presented him in court where the lady judge did not ask him anything and sent him to remand. At 7 that evening he was put in jail where four others were also present he did not know them. They took away all his belongings including clothes, watch, mobile, etc. On February 11th the ATS of UP visited the Rampur prison and took him away for remand. The police tortured him excruciatingly and on February 16 they transferred him to a police station in Dadar (East), Mumbai. The Maharashtra ATS questioned him and took him to his house in Mumbai and allowed him just a minute to see his daughter and then took him away. On the same day they presented him before ATS chief Hemant Karkare and another officer Pram Vir Singh in the Nagpada police station. On February 16th ATS chief Hemant Karkare thoroughly questioned him for several hours. He scrutinized his past record and also cross checked him from all angles and remarked that Fahim was not involved in any crime in Mumbai or Maharashtra and hence he should be sent back to Rampur. He was locked up in Rampur jail on February 18th. 2008. In the meantime Karkare was assassinated on November 26, 2008 during the Mumbai attacks. A year after Fahim was presented before Karkare the ATS now under KP Raghuvanshi framed him in Mumbai 2008 attacks case. For a whole year he was in Rampur jail! And yet Raghuvanshi did that! In April 2008 he was presented in Rampur court. He told the judge that he was tortured and abused and his mother and sister were also abused in the filthiest language by the police and how the STF coerced him into signing confession and almost killed him in a fake encounter for that. But the judge did not take any notice of this. Important facts for notice Even after Karkare had cleared him of the charge of any involvement in terrorism, Raghuvanshi deliberately implicated him in 26/11 case. This he did despite the fact that David Coleman Headley had confessed that it was he who surveyed Mumbai strategic sites for attack and the FBI even questioned Fahim and Sabauddin for several hours. Even so the Maharashtra government not only reinstated RR Patil as home minister after the 26/11 attacks but reappointed Raghuvanshi as ATS chief and continued to promote him. Raghuvanshi is now the police commissioner of Thane. But there are some facts which Fahim has said that provide ‘critical mass’ indicating a much deeper conspiracy and involvement of several governments and even the judiciary which fail to give justice to Muslims and where do we go from here. That leaves no option but the necessity for International Criminal Court or the UNO to help India surmount the morass of disaffection of the minority and bias of its police and the misguidance of the majority community as far as who the real terrorists are. One, the FBI of America did not find the involvement of Fahim in 26/11 attacks and hence he was not named in their charge sheet. Therefore the onus is and should be on the governments of Maharashtra and the central government to question Raghuvanshi why did he require Fahim who was again brought back to Mumbai by the Crime Branch on December 17, 2009? Second, there was no business of Fahim drawing maps because the matter of the map was not included in trial until February 5th, 2009. Till then he had been given remand four times and appeared in court several times and yet there was no mention of the map. Why ? Who planted the map in Ismail Khan’s pocket? There was no dirt mark of mud, blood and sweat on it. Nor was the map even folded! This is unbelievable because Ismail Khan was killed in a battle that lasted for so many hours since the attacks started! Third, why did Justice ML Tahaliani not question Kasab in the presence of Fahim when the Pakistani terrorist had at long last confessed his crimes on July 20, 2009? Anyway FBI had questioned him thoroughly. The Judge had asked Kasab in camera about Fahim. Kasab drew a blank, he did not know him. The Judge was surprised but why did he not take it on record? There are even more disturbing features. If the Rampur police excessively tortured him into drawing maps of Mumbai in February 2008 was it not a sinister case of conspiracy? There seem to be two groups who struck Mumbai on November 26, 2008. Kasab and his handlers already had Google Earth maps and locations marked. This group did not know the other group to which the police wanted maps from Fahim. This latter group probably spoke Marathi and assassinated Karkare. The police commissioner Hasan Gafoor had called Karkare to his control room while Rakesh Maria told him to report to his. If Malegaon blasts of 2006 accused Abrar is telling truth in his affidavit then Suboth Kumar Jaiswal and other officers of police with him were behind removing Karkare from their path because Karkare was changing the findings of the group of his predecessor Raghuvanshi. This is beyond the competence of the court to find and hence it is likely that it would remain an unsolved mystery surrounding the conspiracy. But there is another that also defies solution. Fahim’s wife Yasmin had told him in prison that his lawyer Shahid Azmi was under threat. The ATS had threatened to kill him if he continued his defense of Fahim. He even stopped going court out of fear. Was Shahid assassinated for having defended Fahim and would have defended other accused in false terrorism cases? So also will remain it a mystery that David Headley had reconnoitered the sites of attack and yet the police went after Fahim precisely for that reason. It reminds one of the other mysteries that Headley had not found Ishrat Jahan as a terrorist but the Gujarat police went ahead and even killed her, etc. Fahim in his letter from jail written in March 2010 says that he was acquitted because the media, the judge and the government had trapped him in the false case. The first investigation officer Ashok T Duraphe came for a short time to meet him. Fahim wept and told him that he had nothing to do with 26/11. Duraphe told him hamen pata hai ki tera(Fahim Ansari) is hamley sey koi taaluk nahin hay. Par ham tujhe aisey hi nahin chod saktey. Tera naam akhbar and tv men itna aagya hai ki abb kutch nahin ho sakta. Iss case men tu phans gya hai. “We know that you (Fahim Ansari) have no connection with this attack. But we cannot leave you, nevertheless. Your name has been so much in the newspapers and on TV that we are helpless. You have been trapped.” ------- (1) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/fbi-wants-to-quiz-fahim-ansari-for-2611-terror-strikes/417766/0 (2) http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/1378515/report-fahim-sabauddin-s-release-punctures-mumbai-police-claims# (3) This version of his arrest and other quotes of Fahim are from his letter from prison published in Urdu Times dated March 8, 2010. See the facsimile of the letter attached. Chapter 3 Six years of willful criminal attempt to frame an indigent Muslim youth: Noorulhodha As Prof Sayyad Abdul Rehman Geelani said on his release “The acquittal of an innocent man is not an occasion of celebration but a cause for reflection.” He was falsely implicated in the 2001 Parliament attack case. When the nine wrongly but definitely deliberately and cynically accused in Malegaon 2006 blast case come out of prison there is need for a crusade to unearth the truth of the perpetrators and more importantly the heinous game of framing up that the police actively undertook. At whose behest did the police in Malegaon undertake this criminal course of action? The police in Malegaon were well aware of what was going to happen on September 8, 2006. The superintendent of police of Malegaon Anil Kumbhare had warned dire consequences when Dr Farog Magdumi engaged him with request to remove police barricade so that the people of his area could go for buying medicine. That was on Wednesday September 6, when the Ganesh immersion was in progress. The police chief thundered at the medico that he would know it on Friday. Vijay Salaskar, slain along with Hemant Karkare, was sitting in Kurla police station when the news of the blasts came. He became jubilant and told the people there that this time the Hindus have taken revenge. How did he know with surety that it was the work of Hindus? This is by no means wild allegations against the police. Reports from Hyderabad, Ajmer, Delhi and Kashmir and many other places reveal a macabre pattern of framing Muslim youths in false cases and destroying their youth and livelihood as well as pillorying the whole community. Noorulhodha Samshuduha was the first accused arrested after the blasts in Malegaon in 2006. A look into his record shows that the police played a proactive role in framing an innocent person. (1)He was first arrested by Inspector Daima of Nasik crime branch on August 18, 2001. No communal riots had taken place for more than last nine years. The next communal riot that broke out was on October 26, 2001. This is important in the sense that the local police under additional superintendent of police Rajwardhan Sinha was going to write in their charge sheet that 2006 bombs were exploded by Muslims to take revenge of their heavy casualties in 2001 riots. Noorulhodha was about 17, a minor. During interrogation the police could not find anything against him. Even so he had to spend seven days in jail before the judge acquitted him. (2) On September 27, 2001 he was again taken away by four policemen, one of them was Sheikh Rafiq. On reaching Azad Nagar police station PI Hiraman Kankare started abusing him and put him in lock up. Next day the court sent him to prison for nine days without any investigation being made. On October 1 he was again acquitted of all charges. This time he was charged with protesting against the ban on Students Islamic Movement of India. He denies that he ever protested or knew about it. (3) He was coming out of the gate of the prison when the police again arrested him under section 110 and was given bail. The police would, however, arrest him again on days of Hindu festivals, and of course, December 6 Babri anniversary. (4) On May 13, 2006 he was arrested for arms haul cases of Aurangabad and Malegaon. He had nothing to do with either. After he spent ten days in Nasik prison he was released on May 23rd. This did not mean freedom to him. PI Nasir Hameed Sheikh of Azad Nager police station sent havaldar Rafiq for him and abused him profusely: “It is better for you to leave Malegaon, rather Maharashtra itself, otherwise we shall shoot you or after implicating you in some big case, will put you in jail for the whole of your life.” This ominous threat did not wait for long for the “some big case”. Rather two of them came handy for the police. (5) On the heels of the 7/11 blasts in Mumbai local trains the havaldars swung into action and arrested Noorulhodha and handed him over to the Ghatkoper (Mumbai) police. He was held in illegal detention for ten days. He went through excruciating torture and abuse and also the same threat that he would be implicated in 7/11 attacks. But he was released on August 14, 2006. But his nemesis Nasir Hameed Sheikh and Rafiq Sheikh did not wait for long when they pounced upon him. They called him to Azad Nager police station and Nasir again threatened him, “to implicate me in some serious case”. The cop bewailed “every time you come out safely!” On September 14, 2006 the police took him to City Police Station where Inspector Malgaonkar (LLB, Nasik) asked him while torturing: “Why are you keeping a beard? You are still young and also offer namaz five times a day, don kurta, pyjama, and cap. There are many other Muslim youths of your age but they do not do that and why you do all that. You are a hardcore and fanatic Muslim.” Then he was left to go home. It was 8 at night. No sooner did be reach home when he was called back and this time there were Inspector Malgaonkar, Inspector Desai, Inspector Karan Kabadi, ATS Inspector Sachin Kadam, Inspector Awari and havaldar Patil. They tortured him breathing down upon his neck saying, “You are a hard core Muslim. We will see you.” After midnight he came out of the hell. (6) On October 8 he was again at police station at their bidding. A harrowing day of torture followed. Then he landed in the police lock up. In the morning of October 9 Inspector Nasir came to his cell and with the smile of a villain remarked “I had already told you to go away from Malegaon, otherwise we will shoot you or will implicate you in some big case.” That is how the long day’s journey into the darkness of Indian prison began for Noorulhodha and it has not ended yet. Much water has flowed down the Mosom river of Malegaon. His parents have aged with grief and infirmity. His bride of a few weeks has transformed into a distraught woman victim of destiny that has extinguished hope for her future. The long five years of imprisonment have taken a heavy toll on so many in the family. To forestall any such repetition of police atrocity and implication of innocents in crime they have never committed there are two ways forking ahead. There is need for urgent punishment seen to be given to the cops who had hoodwinked at the laws of the land and illegally arrested the innocent. They must be fined and from it the victims paid compensation. In case it is not feasible because of political polarization of those in power and at the helms of affair who halfheartedly try to bring justice to Muslims and the opponents who consider even this as “appeasement” there is need for the Muslims to be allowed to take their grievance to the United Nations under the optional protocols. Such a proposal was made by the writer at the World Conference on human rights at Bhopal’s Sir Barkatulla University and Paud (near Pune) International conference on Women and their rights. There is also ground for exploring it given the hosts of cases where the community has been targeted and justice denied. Chapter 4 The classic case of deliberate arrest of two brothers for mistaken identity Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid and Javed Abdul Majid One of the most bizarre cases of deliberate framing of two brothers in terrorism charges has permanently soured relationship of father with the disobedient one. The apple of his eyes is in jail for the last seven years but the expelled and forsaken is out on bail after having spent five years in prison. On the day Indian government of PM AB Vajpayee banned Students Islamic Movement of India the police inspector in charge of City Police Station in Malegaon Hansraj detained Javed Abdul Majid on the false charge of giving a speech in Bhiku chowk against the ban to instigate the public against the government. Earlier in the year five youths of Malegaon were pasting posters for the recovery of the demolished Babri mosque. The police had chased them away. But one of them Mudassir was caught. He along with Zahid and the other three were members of SIMI. Mudassir knew Zahid by the name of Javed and gave this name to the police. The name of Zahid was recorded in police diary as Javed. On the day Zahid was pasting posters his younger brother Javed reprimanded him. Javed scolded his elder brother Zahid for playing with fire on the issue of Babri mosque for it would hardly change the situation. It would not serve any purpose, either. The participation of Zahid in SIMI activities brought the police to the door of their house in Islampura. As Majid also had admonished his son Zahid not to get involved in SIMI he became furious and lost his balance and drove his elder son Zahid out of the house and forbade him from entering the lane in which the house was located. Even when Zahid was released on bail in the bomb blasts case of September 8, 2006 his father did not relent. Zahid had to go back to Phoolsanghvi, Yawatmal, where he used to perform namaz as an imam. Javed had not given any speech though his elder brother Zahid was involved in SIMI activities. His father Majid was a responsible man in his personal and civil life. As a teacher in a village he had worked with Marathi teachers in a mixed school where majority of the students were Hindus. He had celebrated the Independence Day and the Republic Day in a rare spirit of national unity. He would organize rangolee decoration of the school ground. The non Muslim teachers were impressed by his civility and togetherness. He would also organize tours and would enjoy the outing with his family participating in the educational excursions. That abruptly ended his carefree contentment in family life and satisfaction in his métier for good when the police woke him at 2 am on May 12, 2006. Majid’s niece had got married on May 11, 2006. He was busy in arranging the wedding dinner till late in the night and returned home very tired. The police surprised him and disturbed the family greatly when they knocked at 2 am in the wee hours of May 12th. They ordered him to bring his son Javed, the SIMI activist. Zahid and not Javed was the SIMI activist he argued with the arresting officer. He had already expelled from house his son Zahid for being a member of SIMI and where was he (Zahid) the father did not know and had never cared to know because Zahid had disobeyed him. So the poor father had to surrender Javed the younger son for the misdeed of the elder. Neither the father nor the son knew why the police had arrested Javed. It was in the court that Javed came to know that the police had slapped the charge of the arms haul case familiarly known as the Aurangabad arms haul case against him. Majid was aghast with the shock! Zahid Javed Chapter 5 Abhinav Bharat, not banning it: a step into the dark abyss The Ministry of Home Affairs’ letter of July 2013 made public on August 22, 2013 has come as a shock. The MHA refused to ban the Hindutva extremist terror outfit Abhinave Bharat as the Government of Maharashtra had appealed it to do. According to the first published report it considers AB as only “a ginger movement.” It would imply that its involvement in Malegaon 2008 blast was carefully calculated and the blast was carried out to cause limited harm. Six people lost their life and more than a hundred were injured at the Bhiku chowk, Malegaon, on Septermber 29, 2008. This flies in the face of reason. Soon after the bomb blew up Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thakur rang up Ramji Kalsangra. Sadhvi: How many have died in the explosion? Ramji: Two or three have died. Sadhvi : You had calculated many would die when you went there. Ramji: There was some mistake in the timing. We tried to park the motor bike at two or three places but we were not allowed there. Then we parked at one place and I left the spot. There was not a huge crowd then. There was so much explosive material that the front part of the vehicle was blown to smithereens. Of course they did calculate to cause maximum number of deaths because their chosen spot was the so called Nukad corner but such was the crowd that there was no possibility of carrying it that far. The local people at the Bhiku chowk said that the Ramji had tried to go into the crowd of women but the lady police did not allow him. Twice the lady officer turned him back. The barricade was manned by the lady police. In fact it was also difficulty for any man to enter the thick crowd of women and to carry a vehicle was unthinkable. Then the owner of the transport company asked his servant to remove the bike. But the handle was locked so he sent his servant to the police chowki across the road but the cops dilly dallied. One of them came to the vehicle but refused to remove the vehicle because the handle was locked. The people who gathered around then used their muscles and disturbed the focus of the box containing the bomb. The worshippers would come out of the big mosque after prayer for tea and snack every night at 9.30. But that was the special night for appealing to god for special prayer. The crowd was held back because of the special lengthy prayer for half an hour. So the casualty figure was less on account of the accidental delay which the terrorists failed to take into consideration. How did then the ministry think it was calculated to cause limited harm? Second nefarious argument of the ministry was that AB movement was a reaction to Jihad terrorism. This cannot be a justification or extenuating of the serious charge against it or the possibility of future resurgence of the movement. What the central government ministry is doing now is what Chief Minister Narendra Modi did on February 27, 2002 night. His Newtonian third law ushered in the pogroms of Muslim from which he has not retracted till this day. In 2007 interview with Karan Thapar he gnashed his teeth boiling with rage at the media czar and in subdued voice he remarked that only one or two persons hold the view that he was a mass murderer and abruptly truncated the interview. He did not accept even the traditional skull cap during the sadhbhauvna farce. To a foreign channel in July 2013 he uttered kutte ke bache the litters of dogs and bitches to describe Muslims. Therefore there is cause of concern to look at AB and Modi government sponsored terrorism against Muslims as of the same nature. Modi government had had a wont to frame Muslims in false charges of terrorism, not once but for umpteen times.. Abhinav Bharat and the phenomenon of Modi RSS pracharak as ruler of Gujarat are manifestations of the same extremism of the right wing fundamentalism and hatred against Muslims. A fuller perception of what had happened in Malegaon earlier attack of 2006 and other places clearly indicates the involvement of the extremist Hindutva organization AB. The hallmark of the AB is that whenever they struck, the innocent Muslims were accused in the media, the media trial and publicity of them went on for weeks together and they in the eyes of the public were made to bear the cross of ignominy and later framed in bogus terror charges by the police as in the case of Fahim Ansari in 26/11 and the nine accused in Malegaon 2006 blasts. Other cases piled up like the German Bakery case where without proof of actual involvement of Mirza Himayat Baig, he was sentenced to death nevertheless. The stage was set much earlier when the National Democratic Alliance government in control of the Hindu party BJP through its ordinance banned Students Islamic Movement of India on February 18, 2001 as it tried to piggy ride the US war on terrorism. There was no involvement of any Muslim from India in the 9/11 attacks in New York and the Pentagon but within a week in an unseemly hurry the government of Atal B Vajpayee banned SIMI. This is in sharp contrast with the governmental refusal to ban AB even after its manifest Constitution became public, its commitment, its seditious attempt to overthrow the government and its association with the Israeli and Nepalese governments in real acts of terror. The MHA must not be surprised to know that their getting Zabiuddin Ansari and Abdul Karim Tunda extradited from the Gulf countries by way of Nepal also applies to the terrorists like Lt Col Prasad Purohit whose crimes cannot remain just a “ginger movement”. (1)Purohit and other accused in Malegaon 2008 blast had sought steady supply of weapons, diplomatic recognition from Israel, safe haven in Tel Aviv etc., and training in arms from Nepalese army as per AB’s understanding with the members of royal family of Nepal.(2) As Israel kidnapped Adolf Eichmann from Argentina and tried him in Israel in 1961on grounds that “universal jurisdiction” based on “universal nature of the crimes in question” and "grave offenses against the law of nations itself “entitles it to try and punish the Nazi leader who had committed the crimes even when Israel had not come into existence and even the Genocide Convention had not come into effect. Israel came in existence in 1948 and the Genocide Convention in 1951. This precedence is applicable not only to Purohit but also Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Their acts during their tenure in military service and in office as Chief Minister respectively cannot be called “ginger movement”. In the case of Modi no other than the Supreme Court had dubbed him as a modern day Nero in 2004. He had toured affected areas in the evening of February 28th 2002. Babu Bajrangi and the Charra community told the Tehelka reporter that Modi had exhorted them to continue their killing the next day (Tehelka November 2007). In the case of Charles Taylor the Supreme Court of Sierra Leon ruled that "the sovereign equality of states does not prevent a Head of State from being prosecuted before an international criminal tribunal or court." If India can arrest members of Menon family like Yakub Menon from Nepal to stand trial for terrorism in India it also applies to the terrorists within India according to hostes humani generis ('enemies of the human race') principle of international jurisprudence. Even Henry Kissinger accepted that heads of states and public officials are on par with the pirates and other outlaws before the global bar of justice for breaking laws against humanity. (3) Indian courts may not regard the crimes of Modi or Purobit as grave violations of either the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide or crimes against humanity or crimes against nations. Therefore the need for foreign intervention based on international bar of justice. If Eichmann was an ideologue of Nazism then the RSS paracharak or propagandist Narendra Modi carried out the Hindutva experiment of purging Muslims according to the philosophy that RSS ideologue Guru Golwalkar espoused in emulation of Nazism. The collector of Godhra had declared that the fire in S6 compartment of Sabarmati Express train was an accident Modi in the night of February 27, 2002 changed it into an attack by ISI and Lashka-re-Toiba. Even he gave a call for strike the next day and allowed his police to let Hindus take revenge upon the Muslims for three days. It was like Adolf Hitler getting the German parliament burnt down and blaming it on the communists and the Jews as enemies of Germany behind it. The police blamed the Ganchi Muslims of Godhra for the train incident and even accused Maulana Umarji as the mastermind. He was acquitted by the court and the innocent people were convicted on what clearly appears to be false charges of terrorism. Since then Modi has also been involved in fake encounters which also constitute grave crimes against humanity. If the Israeli kidnapped Eichmann from South America the Gujarat police by the approval of Modi kidnapped Sohrabuddin, his wife and friend Tulsiram Prajapati, Ishrat Jahan and three others from Maharashtra and Kashmir and killed them. The Gujarat kidnapping was from different states of the Union of India like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, UP, etc. Indian courts have failed in catching on the idea of the “extraordinary renditions” Purohit also had a North Eastern rebel leader brought to Delhi. He killed him and let the dead body slide into the gutter. What is even more disturbing for democracy, Purohit had been complicit with the ruling monarchy in Nepal in their fight against the Maoist insurgency. He wanted to kill RSS leader Indresh Kumar who supported the democracy movement in the neighbouring country and for other ulterior reasons. These acts of terror of the most active and the mind behind the Abhinav Bharat cannot be called as “ginger movement.” Moreover he had trained activists of Bajrang Dal and RSS in arms and assembling of bombs and even supplied RDX and bombs. If the government in Delhi does not still want to ban the Abhinav Bharat it is their outlook. But international jurisdiction takes note of it all the same. It also takes note of the fact that the high officials like ADG of police PP Pandy in Gujarat and chief of Anti Terrorism Squad of Maharashtra KP Raghuvanshi are complicit in crimes and the chain of command leads to Modi and his counterpart home minister in Maharashtra. They took the lead in framing innocent educated Muslims in terror incidents which the Hindutva groups had committed. Reports indicate that Vishwa Hindu Parishad secretary Praveen Togadia had funded Abhinav Bharat and Modi had donated funds to Swami Asimanand. Both Togadia and Modi are from Gujarat and Asimanand and Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thakur were based in Gujarat. Moreover Sunil Joshi, Ramchandra Kalsangrah and Sandeep Deange had visited Shabri Dham Ashram of Aseemanand. They also had attended meeting at the house of Bharatbhai Riteshwar in Valsad. These details prove that the terrorist movement had not carefully and cautiously prepared to cause limited damage. It was well planned execution of mass murders over a long period of time through means of terrorism. Banning AB as well as VHP would have gone a long way to prevent India from being engulfing in the swamp of terrorism as some countries are today. It was also imperative to have investigated Modi’s role by an independent commission of jurists of unblemished reputation. Even the vice chair person of the US Commission on Religious Freedom Katrina Lantros Swett was astonished that the inquiry commissions in India and the Special Investigation Team did not take the sworn affidavit of Sanjive Bhatt in charge of intelligence department and security of Mod and the chief of SIB RB Sreekumar seriously. Both had accused Modi of involvement in the genocide of Muslims. Furthermore Ramji and Sandeep Dange are still at large. Therefore the possibility of further attacks by AB modules of terrorists cannot be ruled out. Modi’s punitive action against Satish Verma needs more attention than either the state or central government has done. Verma while inquiring the fake encounter of Ishrat and others had also spoken about the government’s involvement in Parliament attack of December 13, 2001 and the 26/11 in Mumbai. Without fully gauging the dangers latent in the ideology of Abhinav Bharat and the depth of involvement of Modi in the pogroms it would not be possible to resolve the complex role of terrorists in cases of terrorism committed by extremists of Hindu community for which innocent Muslims had to suffer long prison terms and then discharged without compensation and in other cases being killed on false pretext of terrorism. The Home Minister of India is afraid to ban Abhinav Bharat and maintain his accusation that RSS was training extremists among Hindus in terrorism like the Bajrang Dal activists. The activists of Abhinav Bharat and Modi and his ilks in the right wing have one thing in common. To use RB Sreekumar’s description of Modi their “intrinsic mind is not for goodwill to all”. This description of Modi applies to Himani Savarkar, Purohit and a host of others in the Abhinav Bharat and other extremist groups. Sreekumar describes Modi’s complicity in the crimes against humanity in his open letter of October 5, 2011: “You have rewarded practically, all those govt. officers, who actively participated through their acts of commission and omission, in violation of their oath of allegiance to the Constitution of India, in the planning and execution of anti-minority genocide in 2002, after the most condemnable Godhra train burning incident.” If Modi has insidiously blamed LeT for the fire incident and allowed the pogroms and AB have blasted bombs in reaction to Jihadi terrorism then the victims of the pogroms and bomb explosions have been innocent Muslims, children, women and men who had nothing to do either with Pakistan or terrorism. What AB and Modi have in common is in the words of Sreekumar: “the ideas of exclusivism, sectarianism and hatred of certain sections Indian citizens, indoctrinated by the Sangh Parivar.”(4) A better way to fight terrorism will be to fight these ideas sincerely with full might. ------- (1) http://www.opendemocracy.net/openindia/n-jayaram/narendra-modi-british-invitation-and-universal-jurisdiction http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Home-ministry-turns-down-Maharashtras-plea-to-ban-Abhinav-Bharat/articleshow/21978779.cms?utm_source=twitter.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=TOIIndiaNews (2)Charge sheet of September 29th 2008 blasts in Malegaon Exhibit No 23. (3) Universal jurisdiction Wikipedia (4) http://www.countercurrents.org/sreekumar170911.htm August 25, 2013 Chapter 6 Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy (26) Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy was in prison for seven months and refused to own up a crime he had not committed. On the day of the German Bakery attack 13 February 2012 there was another attempt to blow up the famed Dagdu Seth Halwai temple in Pune. This claim of police needs scrutiny as similar claim in Malegaon on 13 September 2006 turned out to be fake and the police reportedly drove away the planter of the would be bomb as a weak minded and framed innocent Muslims from the nine accused, instead. Qateel was accused by the police to be involved in the attempt. There is no proof that he was there. But the police say he wanted to plant the bomb there but a flower seller did not let him do so. Did the florist recognize him in an identity parade? Eleven others were also accused along with him. The failed attempt of the police and especially ATS chief Rakesh Maria to implicate him in Dagdu Seth Halwai temple is reminiscent of the failed attempt of the same agency in the case of Khwaja Yunus in the Ghatkoper bus attack of December 2, 2002. In the case of Yunus ATS officer Sachin Vaze and others had hit his breast with their feet and knees so hard that another accused Dr Mateen Ansari realized that he would not survive. Yunus vomited blood and could not survive. Dr Mateen gave this fact in writing. Till then the false news that Vaze had given had been the sensational news that the police jeep carrying Yunus had over turned and the accused made use of this to escape law. Till today when even Yaseen Bhatkal is safely in the hands of the Indian police there is no trace of the dead body of Yunus. Another accused acquitted in many charges of terror was killed in Tihar jail when a couple of other false charges were still pending. He was Shakeel Ahmad of Delhi. He was in jail for fourteen years during that period his toddler daughters grew up and now live in sorrow. Till this day the Indian police have not come clean on Shakeel or Qateel either. Both had told their wives of how the police had snuffed out any hope of their survival! They had stubbornly refused to sign the fake confession. Another accused Muzammil Akhtar of Malegkaon is still alive because he signed the bogus confession when the ATS brought him in the presence of his father and threatened that even his mother and sister too would be unrobed and insulted like his father. The moot question is that Muzammil has spent not just seven months like Qateel, he has spent ten years and he is still not out even on bail: Why? He was accused of the Mulund local train attack that killed 14 on 13th March 2003 in Mumbai. It is really strange that all other accused have been let off! Discharged! Even Dr Mateen was given bail and discharged subsequently in the same case. Why has the wheel of justice stuck in the morass of miscarriage of justice for so long? There are even more serious and disturbing questions which reflect on the nature of how the judiciary and jail system work in India against the Muslims. Qateel was already doomed by the police or else why should he have been put in the top security Yerwada jail instead regular jails. He had not been proved to be such a dreadful criminal as the dacoit Alok Bhalerao or a proved killer of two and extortionist as Sharad Mohol (who killed him) to require a top security jail. Qateel was to appear later on that Friday 8th June 2012 in the Pune court. The ATS had not found any culpable evidence against him in the Pune case and would have let the Delhi police take his custody. It is likely that he knew who had blown bombs in Pune German Bakery and it was a fatal cover up by the police. He was bumped off in the same way as Shahid Azmi was. Who would fear the truth revealed to the Delhi police? If Qateel had taunted the dacoits and extortionists Alok Bhalerao and Sharad Mohol it would mean that he knew the real terrorists and would go on to tell it to the Delhi police. Given the location of five lock ups of three cells each in such high security set up it was impossible to kill him there. So the only way would be when the prisoners are brought into the open at 9.45 to 11.45 in the morning. It is but natural that at such a time there should have been even more tight security. And yet one of the two dacoits held Qateel’s legs and the other strangulated him. Even then the guards or the police did not come to know of the murder. It was only when one of the killers having told another prisoner who in turn told the guards of it that the news reached the ears of the authorities. Even if the close circuit camera were there the police would have conveniently lied as in so many other cases that the camera system was not working. So what we have here is extra judicial killing. The police claim that Yaseen Bhatkal had given one lakh rupees for the treatment of Qateel’s daughter who later died. Now that the police in Delhi are interrogating Yaseen they should find out if he had really given one lakh to Qateel in addition to the one lakh he had sent to his wife on the occasion of Id that was celebrated on 9th August. When the police have 40 charges against Yaseen even before his arrest why they don’t have anything from him on his connection with Qateel and a host of other Muslim youths accused of being his associates! How improbable it is that the police claim that Qateel had tried to plant the bomb at the temple but a florist refused to let him and so he took it all the way to the sea in Mumbai to dispose it off there! If Qateel was not involved in the Pune German Bakery case how could he have known where Yasin Bhatkal was hiding in Bihar. And after Yasin Bhatkal was arrested from the border region in Bihar on Wednesday 28th August 2013 why would the Bihar government refuse to register the crime and take custody of Yasin Bhatkal on 29th August?(1) In this melee what hope is there for truth to see the light of the day? The only way for the truth to come out would be impartial inquiry by international bodies of repute. This is a way out as even David Coleman Headley and Swami Asimanand have been either prevaricating or retracting whatever they have said. The Ministry of Home Affairs has also been hiding crucial information and facts like in the case of Intelligence Bureau special director Rajendra Kumar’s involvement in Ishrat Jahan case as well as many other cases. It is not only the Bihar government which is casting aspersion on Yasin Bhatkal arrest by its refusal to do anything with him. Qateel taunted Sharad Mohol and Alok Bhalerao which led to his killing but there was no one who saw the murder. So the question is still open as to who killed him. If the duo killed him who was behind them? The duo and Qateel were playing together, chatting and hobnobbing with each other well. Then how and what could go so wrong to lead to murder?(2) It could not be the taunt then that led to the murder. It could only be the fear that if the Delhi police which had arrested him a year before could come to know stark truth which the ATS did not want to share with it. It is also unexplained till today why did not the ATS hand over Qateel to Delhi police on 29th May 2013 when his police custody ended. He had been in the custody of the police in Pune Yerwada jail from 1st May. There was enough time to have interrogated him in four weeks. Why did not the two so called ‘extremist nationalists’ kill him on 29th May itself. The ATS prepared 81 pages of charge sheet in September 2012 in which it says that Qateel had threatened “second attempt” to blow the same temple. How could the police verify this and the court to judge? If nobody was present there in the notorious anda cell prison how could the ATS accept this when they had not accepted Qateel’s own insistence that he was not involved in crimes. In what way two criminals and dacoits are more reliable in jail than an innocent person? If the alleged threat to make second attempt was a boast why in heavens it should be taken as de facto intention of crime? There was little chance of Qateel ever coming out to commit a crime others have ascribed to him? Would he with no record of previous crimes threaten such second attempt? He would have been a fool to even think second attempt after having gone through the hell that is Indian jail for seven long months.(3) Inexplicable is also the fact that Delhi police had arrested him on 22nd November 2011 and had him for more than five months to know all they wanted. Why did they not finish their job? Why did they not ascertain from him before handing him to another agency of another state? Why is the Hindu party BJP silent over this whole affair? Is the onus only on the Muslims all the time to struggle to prove their youths’ innocence? ------- (1) http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/terror-suspect-killed-by-fellow-inmates-in-pune-jail/article3504634.ece (2) warrant-taunt-led-mohd-qateel-siddiqui-death-in-jail/1/200010.html (3) http://zeenews.india.com/news/maharashtra/siddiqui-killed-for-bragging-about-pune-temple-attack-cops_7981 Chapter 7 Hindutva Skylab of Gujarat falls along with lab assistant Vanzara Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh warned the nation on Independence Day August15, 2013 that the greatest danger to the country was from communalism. The people of the country hardly noted this warning as they are so much used to matters like endemic corruption and the scourge of rape. Given this ambience they could hardly think that the PM did not give a quotidian speech. But in essence that was not. The prime minister was aware of the genocide of Muslims in 2002, the fake encounters and the use of religion based politics that the BJP was playing in an alarming manner. In direct opposition to him was the politics that Amit Shah and Narendra Modi were playing in attempting to eclipse the genocidal crimes as well as their involvement in the fake encounters. Thus a parallel system was at work. That is, the Hindutva juggernaut with its hidden agenda that included targeting Muslims as terrorist and the rest who found that unpalatable. The former believed them to be patriotic to the tune of their roguery as the last resort of patriotism. DG Vanzara the highest profiled police officer in Gujarat called it deshbhakti, love and devotion to the country. For many years people of India had heard of the Hindutva experiment being made in Gujarat laboratory. They were also aware of the same experiment being replicated by Ashok Singhal of Vishwa Hindu Parishad, at least the threat of it. Now it is early sign that that experiment is tottering. It was brought about by the transfer of the Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case from Gujarat to Maharashtra in order to facilitate the Hindutva higher ups to let another stalwart of its garrison fight the battle for Hindu rashtra. Narendra Modi alone could not handle all the fronts. In this the most crucial role was played by Ram Jethmalani who saw that Amit Shah was not only given bail but also allowed to canvas in elections that took place in Gujarat and continue to fight for the upcoming 2014 election under his supervision in the biggest state of India, UP. It is the state which has Babri mosque demolished and a Ram temple coming up although in much staggered steps. The Hindutva horde not only executed the pogroms and defended the accused in the murder and arson and loot they also had ace lawyers and public prosecutors especially inducted into the genocide, the arrests, the trials and manipulation of the legal system. Even the additional advocate general of the state of Gujarat Tushar Mehta instead of defending the victims would pass relevant information of the victims to Hindutva ideologue of RSS S Gurumurthy to ferry out points to prepare defense of the accused in the genocide in the courts across the country. But Additional Director General of police DG Vanzara was the first line of defense: “I most respectfully would like to submit and state that I, along with my officers, stood beside this government like a bulwark whenever it faced an existential crisis in the past. When I, along with my officers, have been facing a similar crisis in my/our life/lives, it was expected of this government to reciprocate and firmly stand beside me and my officers with a similar vigour and determination, which to my utter shock and surprise, could not happen” The existential threats came from first the man who was the prime minister of the country. AB Vajpayee wanted Modi removed but he succumbed to the pressure of the Hindutva core groups of supporters of the genocide and its architect, Modi. He exhorted the chief minister to do his rajdharm. Modi said he had complied with it. But Vanzara followed another path shown by another religious divine, Guru Gobind Singh. When his own existence was in danger Vanzara took a leaf from scripture of another religion, Sikhism. “Hence the only way for me and my officers is to adopt the path of Dharma as defined by Shri Guru Govind Singh, the tenth Divine Lord of Sikhs, who ordained to his disciples, "when all the ways and doors for getting justice are exhausted and closed, it is just (Dharma) to draw the sword." Thus Gujarat showed two different meanings of Dharma used by two sons of the soil. Had the constitutional law of the land prevailed there would have been a secular law in which homicide is a crime punished with death. But both the sons played the same tune through different pipes as the Modern day Nero was fiddling thanks to the subversion of justice. It is quite clear that the pogroms of Muslims and the fake encounters in which mostly Muslims were killed followed one pattern. The innocent Muslims were blamed for the fire accident and the well planned pogroms were begun. According to Vanzara it was “the conscious policy of this government which was inspiring, guiding, and monitoring our actions from very close quarters.” He cannot afford to apply this only to the fake encounters for which he was arrested. It applies more to the murder and mayhem in Naroda Patia where nearly 800 Muslims were herded into a dry well, petrol from above was poured on them and they were burnt alive. They were in such large a number that the commissioner of police PC Pande ordered that the dead bodies should be scattered all over the city of Ahmadabad to lessen the enormity of the pogroms. Pravin Togadia was sitting in the hospital of VHP boss of the city Jaideep Patel a doctor by profession and monitoring the situation as Maya Kodnan minister of children and women health was inciting the crowds of Hinds to kill, rape and burn the Muslims. When the killings subsided for the day in late evening Modi went on a watch tour of the areas. He blessed the women of Chharra community for having produced brave men to have handled the job. According to the most notorious murderer Babu Bajrangi Modi had visited the sites to shore up the zeal of the marauders so that they would do the same job next day and the day after. He had stipulated three days for the pogroms. A neutral court in India would like to see the pogroms and fake encounters as two sides of the same coin which they are. Natural justice demands and the failing courts have stigmatized India for the sorry past. There is such a dimension of the events in Gujarat under Modi that only a full-fledged commission of inquiry of international repute could unearth the abysmal depth of horror and how it was covered up not just by Modi administration but that of Vajpayee at the centre. What Amit Shah did at state level LK Advani with tacit acquiescence of the Prime Minister of India did in the central government, issuing clean chits to Modi. This includes Vanzara’s own hospitality to the Hindu marauders who were arrested but he treated them to the gorgeous food in government guest house meant for class one officers and then in the evening he let the killers go home without registering crimes of genocide against any of them! Modi himself phoned Babu Bajrangi to surrender to police after hiding him from law in the Mount Abu government guest house! He saw to it that the petition of the widow Zakia Jafri was not entertained and when the court accepted it his SIT issued another clean chit to him.(1) It is sinister on the part of Vanzara to forget that the highest number of police officers in the pogrom affected parts of the state were those very officers like himself and his immediate boss PP Pandey who were fully involved in the pogroms of Muslims and the cover up of the accused killers and rapists. The same also were active in the fake encounters. It is his shrewd nature to defend those very officers for the crimes of fake encounter and slur over the much more grievous crimes of genocide. Modi’s crime was that he awarded all those officers in the genocide cases who toed the government line and punished those who opposed his state policy of teaching Muslims a lesson. So how could his trusted lieutenant Vanzara claim now: “The most notable part of the whole episode is that they are made to suffer in the jails, in spite of the fact that they had been and are loyal soldiers of this government who fought incessant war against, Pakistan inspired terrorism with complete honesty, integrity and sincerity without falling prey to any of the mundane temptations.” It is worth quoting at length what RB Sreekumar says in his open letter to Modi published on 17th September 2011. “4/ Those, who got rewards for their alleged deviant services to you, include officers, who were given extension in service, good postings and post retirements lucrative assignments. They are persons like, (1) Shri G.Subbarao, (2) Shri Ashok Narayanan, (3) Dr. P.K.Mishra, (4) Shri P.K.Laheri, (5) Shri Sudhir Mankad, (6) Smt. Manjula Subramaniaman, (7) Shri K.C.Kapoor - all IAS officers and (8) Shri A.K.Bhargava, (9) Shri P.C.Pande, (10) Shri G.C.Raiger, (11) Shri M.K.Tandon, (12) Shri Deepak Swaroop, (13) Shri K.Nityanandam, (14) Shri A.K.Sharma, (15) Shr Shivanad Jha, (16) Shri Sudhir Sinha, (17) Shri D.G.Vanzara, (18) Shri S.S.Khandwawala, (19) Shri J.Mahapatra, (20) Shri O.P.Mathur, (21) Shri A.A.Saiyed, (22) Shri P.P.Pandey, (23) Shri Ashish Bhatia - all IPS officers, etc. Their specific alleged culpable role was graphically narrated in my VIth Affidavit to the Justice Nanavati Commission. “5/- As you know among the govt. officials, who were victims of unwarranted punishments by your govt., myself lead the list. Ever since I presented facts about riots "falsifying" the State Govt. version to the Central Election Commission on 9.8.2002, I was issued with memos on trivial matters like Control Room Head Constable sending a secret message by fax to field officers, without my knowledge, by ACS (Home) Sh.Ashok Narayanan. Further the Govt. started an inquiry against me for writing to CP Ahmedabad Sh.K.R.Kaushik, about the alleged planting of weapons (fire arms) by DIG Sh.D.G.Vanzara, the then i/c of Ahmedabad City Crime Branch on a few Muslims of Dariapur on 2002 Rathyatra day. You may please note that this was the only adverse report about alleged illegal acts of Vanzara, in Gujarat Police records before his arrest for alleged fake encounter in April, 2007. Instead of probing into my information about Sh.Vanzara, the Chief Secretary started an inquiry against me, for punishing me even though the then DGP Sh.K.Chakravarthi reported that my act of reporting against Sh.Vanzara was part of my normal duties and so could not me treated as misconduct. Sir, had you checked Sh.Vanzara and monitored his work, accepting my report, he would not have indulged in alleged extra judicial killings of innocent people. Now these cases have brought bad name for your administration and Gujarat Police. This was an instance of saving a thief (chor) and punishing the policeman (kotwal), who pointed a finger at the thief.”(2) The penchant of Modi and Vanzara was the pet idea of blaming Pakistan even when there is no incident involving that country, even fighting election in Gujarat became a clash between Mian Musharaf and Modi. The hard fact is that Pakistan did not have time to wash its dirty linen in Gujarat politics. So how could the fake encounters be at the behest of Pakistan or inspired by ISI? The four cases Vanzara mentions in his letter of resigning from the post of additional director general of police in protest are that of Ishrat Jahan and three others, Sohrabuddin, his wife Kauser and friend Tulsiram Prajapati, Sadiq Jamal Mahtar. These were not just fake encounters but real terrorism. If Italian extremists kidnap former Prime Minister Aldo Moro and kill him and this is recognized as an act of terrorism, India must also learn that falsely accusing innocent people and killing them was also terrorism. There are also more skeletons likely to fall down from the wardrobe of Modi. A senior police officer Sanjiv Bhatt has expressed his apprehension that Modi may be behind the murder of Haren Pandya for which eleven innocent Muslims had to languish in prison for more than half a dozen years. Therefore the experiment that Modi and Vanzara along with other government and police officers made in the Gujarat laboratory of Hindutva was of far more serious and dangerous nature than people are willing to accept. Vanzara’s letter of resignation on Tuesday 3rd September 2013 is early straw in the wind. The experiment in the laboratory may have been interrupted by the letter but it would resume nevertheless. -------- (1)Tehelka 3November 2007. (2) Countercurrent 17 September 2011. Chapter 8 Asif Basheer Khan Accused in 7/11 Mumbai blasts in local trains The Anti Terrorist Squad of Maharashtra tortured Asif Basheer Khan in the most inhuman way: threat of raping mother and wife in his presence in the prison. On 8th August 2013 he told the MCOCA court in Mumbai that the police had already applied third degree torture and forced him to implicate himself in the blasts of 11 July 2006. He refused in the most trying situation in his life. But they continued torturing him and threatened to bring his mother and wife and rape them inside the Kala Ghoda office of ATS if he did not sign on the confession paper they put before him. Even then he refused. In this way he was implicated in Malegaon blasts of 8th September 2006 as well.(1) The ATS foisted a very ingenuous method of sensationalizing his arrest. He was arrested from Mira Road in Thane because when he had been Jalgaon he was a member of SIMI. The police gave it in the paper that a cab driver had identified him as the suspect who boarded the train at Church gate and planted the bomb. He had alighted from the taxi at Church gate on 11th July 2006 and had to pay 180 rupees as fare for travelling from Bandra. The driver did not have change so in a hurry he gave away 500 rupee note. The police calculated that this would appear a very plausible cogent cause of arrest and accusation. How could he forget the face of his large hearted benefactor and his largess! Two months later the ATS was allegedly inquiring about the passenger who boarded the train at Church gate on the fateful day. The cops claim that they found the cabbie who later identified him. On 13 August2013 Asif told the court that the identity parade was held on 7th November 2006 in Arthur road jail. The officer who conducted the parade said he was the code numbered 631officer sent by the government of Maharashtra. But years later Asif applied for information of 631 it turned out that that officer was from Kokan named Shashikant. Therefore the officer who really conducted the parade committed impersonation which is a crime. And so the testimony of those who gave witness in identifying him cannot be legally acceptable. The officer who committed impersonation gave one name in the papers on identity and had another name in the ATS; he was not Shashikant from Ratnagiri. (2) What is more the same special executive officer had also conducted the identity parade of the other accused and hence it was illegal and also criminal in their cases too. In this way Asif Basheer Khan struggled hard and patiently to prove that he was innocent. He was framed in bogus charges of terror by the ATS. ATS’ modus operandi is the same very vulgar violation of chastity of the family members through threats coercing the accused into submission as this was also used in the case of Muzammil Akhtar accused for 13 March 2003 local train attack where ATS succeeded in making the accused confess what he had not done actually. The ramification of Asif’s attack requires a commission of inquiry by the parliament or an international body of jurists. His real cause of arrest was no illegal act except that nearly six years ago the government had banned SIMI and he had been a member of SIMI in Jalgaon years ago, before migrating to Mumbai and taking a job of civil engineer in the metropolis. The police accused him for storing RDX and supplying it to the accused in 7/11 bombing as well as in September 2006 blasts in Malegaon. This stored RDX was the remnant of the huge amount of arms and RDX seized in Malegaon, Aurangabad and Ankai in May 2006. It is now becoming clear that the Hindutva terrorists of the Sunil Joshi and Lt Col Prasad Purohit modules were behind the use of RDX and the blasts. ------- (1)Inquilab 9-8-2013 (2)Inquilab 14-8-2013 Chapter 9 Abrar Ahmad conundrum of Malegaon blasts September 2006 It is true that many innocent youths of Muslim community were framed in bogus charges of terrorism but by no means could this be taken to mean that the police informers were also innocent. If such Muslim police informers receive money and only supply intelligence that enhances security then it is one thing but if they play in the hands of the police and frame other Muslims (who are innocent) in false charges of terrorism then it is serious matter. Abrar Ahmad accused in September 8, 2006 blasts in Malegaon is instance of it. It would be naïve to take Abrar Ahmad at face value when he says: “I never worked for the ATS. I was caught in a situation where I found myself at the mercy of the ATS officers. I was forced to implicate innocent people into the terrorism cases. I destroyed a number of lives. I am ashamed of myself. I became a toy in the hands of the ATS. They misled the investigation.” There is need to search phone record if the police called him at Ram Setu bridge on September 13, 2006 when they put him on record. He was searched and recorded to be having wire with him at that time. If he is really innocent his contact with the police must begin with this first meeting. But if there is phone record dating back then he is the first Muslim involved in a conspiracy of this magnitude where the Hindutva terrorists blew bombs and police were complicit in implicating him and several others in not just one but other cases of terrorism. There is also one ‘Ahmad’ in the arms haul case of May 2006. Who is this single-word man? Another thing that needs careful scrutiny is his exact relationship with the additional Superintendent of Police Raj Vardhan Sinha. He asserts: “He(Sinha) took me to Nashik. A few days later, he told me that some local newspapers had carried news reports that I was a police informer so it would be dangerous for me to visit Malegaon.” It is not convincing that such a senior officer will have such a character to repair his inverter at Nasik for which better mechanics were available in the district town itself. Why should the ASP shield him from local people’s ire if Abrar was really innocent? This is a flimsy pretext on which the ASP should send him on a junket of Jaora, Ujjain and other places in MP and also Maharashtra. Why would the ATS of Maharashtra spend money on him and keep him as guest in temples and hotels? If ATS cop Arun introduced him to Pragya Singh Thakur in Dewas then it naturally implies that he was in touch with the Sunil Joshi module. How come a stranger to ASP Sinha be taken in the loop of a much larger conspiracy involving the Sadhvi and the Lt Col Prasad Purohit who played so destructive terrorist role two years later? He met the Sadhvi again in Byculla jail when she was arrested and sent there in November 2008. In the meantime he also travelled at the expense of the police to Saputara in Gujarat and Deolali camp in Nasik. It was in the artillery cantonment that he met Purohit on October 22, 2006. Why should Purohit say what he actually said to Abrar: 'You will be given land and property anywhere in India except Kashmir.' If Abrar was a novice then why did the army man promise this largess? The more Abrar says the deeper is his involvement: “I was taken to the ATS office in Byculla. I was first taken to the office of Subodh Jaiswal [then additional commissioner of police; now joint secretary at cabinet secretariat]. He told me that I didn't need to worry about the news reports about me. Then I was taken to the office of K.P. Raghuvanshi [then chief of ATS; now Thane police commissioner]. He put ∃5 lakh in front of me and said that it was my money. He said if I wouldn't take it my brother-in-law Farooq would get it. Meanwhile, Rajwardhan brought Farooq, and he was given that money. After that, the cops took me to Nashik, where I was kept at Muktidham temple. Inside the temple some people were making a video film of all those who were present there and I was not comfortable getting filmed. Later, on December 13, 2006, I was taken to Bhiwandi and we stayed there. I met Farooq at the ATS office in Kalachowki the next day. He told me that the ATS had kept their promises. They had given us all the promised money. But I was shocked when he and my wife left me at the ATS office. After they left, the cops suddenly started thrashing me. I realised that they had got all the money and they played a double game with me. I was produced in court on December 22, 2006 as an approver in the Malegaon case.” He says that his brother in law Farooq Verdha received twenty five lakh rupees from the police and that he (Abrar) also had received money from ATS cops whom he names as Sachin Kadam, Mahesh Kadam and Sadashiv Abhimanyu Patil. But then he refused money since 2009 because his lawyer brother Jailil told him not to take more money or else he would be in trouble.(1) By no means Abrar can be absolved if what he said holds water: “I destroyed a number of lives. I am ashamed of myself.” He has confessed on his own volition therefore he is blaming himself for the destruction (killing and injuring) of a number of lives. This surely refers to those who lost their life and limbs in the blasts. That he implicated the other accused in the blasts of 2006 that were also given bail along with him. Therefore his regret and remorse is for the innocent killed and injured. Furthermore, according to my book Aggressive Hindutva Terrorism and Malegaon, Abrar is a Janus figure. He looks backward and regrets and when he looks forward he prepares ground for his defense, to save his skin. This he does by prevarication. He said that he had met Purohit on October 22, 2006 and then subsequently denied it.(2) A reporter who interviewed him in November 2012 refused to rule out that he is a bluff who mislead everyone. The pivot on which this approach rests is that the ATS may have used him to frame innocent Muslims (supposed to be 11) and then played a double game of framing him ultimately. This raises a serious question as to whether the ATS and Raj Vardhan Sinha prepared a parallel plot. This would mean the Hindutva terrorists planned to bomb Malegaon 2006 and 2008, Samjhauta Express February 2007, Mecca mosque May 2007, Ajmer 2007. The police in Malegaon and the ATS of Maharashtra gave a cover and also diverted the investigation to shield the Hindutva terrorists. This is evident even in the latest situation. First Judge YD Shinde of MCOCA court in Mumbai did not entertain Abrar’s affidavit of April 18, 2009 in which he had mentioned such details. Then he gave interview to The Week which startled the NIA but they stalled the investigation because it was beyond their power as the case of 2006 impinges upon 2008 in Malegaon where the army is involved. As if that is not enough the chief of ATS KP Raghuvanshi and Subodh Kumar Jaiswal both are directly involved. What is even worse for the government the cover up of Abrar if it could be called that also includes the secret plan of removing Hemant Karkare who ultimately fell victim to that. But circumstancing it to Malegaon alone there is enough trouble for all. One, Abrar had reportedly received 65 lakh rupees from the master mind of the terrorist organization in Mumbai. [see the facsimile of Urdu Times, October 16, 2006] With this booty in the dickey of his brand new Hero Honda he rode to Malegaon from Mumbai crossing the terrain that covers 300 kilometers. (3)That astronomical amount to the cash starved accused comes in the wake of huge amount of money Mahesh Patodiya allegedly withdrew from Mamco bank in Malegaon. The sorry state of investigation has come to such a pass that the moment Abrar accused the ATS boss Raghuvanshi and Subodhkumar Jaiswal even the NIA threw the spanner in the work. The Ministry of Home Affairs also is complicit in this as it is in its reluctance to expose its own special director Rajendra Kumar in Ishrat Jahan fake encounter. In the Malegaon case the situation would demand handcuffing of ATS boss as a conspirator along with now the joint secretary at cabinet secretariat Subodh Kumar Jaiswal. This is beyond the competence of any court in India to order hence the need for trial by an international body of jurists. The report in the paper says that Abrar enticed others to join in the plot saying that it would be a minor explosion that would frighten the people but not injure or kill them. It would only cause stampede. But the crucial point is that the report written on October 15, 2006 contextualizes what was taking place in Malegaon and would take place later. For example at this precise time middle of October 2006 just over a month after the blasts the police had called for questioning three doctors, obviously Salman Farsi, Farog Magdume, and one more. The first two doctors were arrested later and were put in prison for more than 5 years. This at the instance of Abrar! He played mischief with them by giving their names to police. This surely is perjury and punishable with even death penalty. A day before on October 14, 2006 many agitated people went to his house and complained against what Abrar had done. His family felt humiliated but assured that they would be through with him on that issue. The people were disturbed at his sell out of his millat, community. But the gravamen of the circumstancing is that a day before DGP PS Pasricha had remarked in Delhi that the police had caught the man behind the explosions of bombs in Malegaon (supposedly Abrar) but he did not name him. This had greatly perturbed the native people because they rightly feared that Abrar had certainly named those Muslims whom the police had been calling to police stations for questioning. This milieu led to hypertension in the people that innocents would be framed is imminent. That came true. Such strong was the conviction among the people that they remained steadfast in this for all the years that their innocent young men were languishing in jail. That was the main reason why they organized a sit in for years together. Raghuvanshi put pressure on the accused to dissociate with the movement of sit ins in the city. This corroborates his guilty behavior. The Janta Dal leader Nihal Ahmad knew this well and hence the police were with loggerheads with him. He was behind the sit ins. ------- (1) All the quotes are sourced from http://www.manoramaonline.com/cgi-bin/MMOnline.dll/portal/ep/theWeekContent.do?contentId=12855615&programId=1073755753&tabId=13&BV_ID=@@@&categoryId=-189461 (2) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-12-03/india/35570204_1_malegaon-blast-lt-col-prasad-purohit-maharashtra-ats NIA puzzled as Malegaon blast witness flip-flops - Times Of India (3) Urdu times October 16, 2006. Chapter 10 “From the day of my arrest [on May 7, 2003] till today I am in custody without any relief [and no trial]” That is what he wrote in the third week of September 2013 in a letter home for the world to know what he has suffered. Muzammil Akhtar Abdul Rahim Ansari of Malegaon was arrested on May 7, 2003 for local train blasts at Mulund, Mumbai on March 13, 2003. He has been languishing in the Thane Jail without his case making any progress in the court. Aged 26 at the time of his arrest he is now 37. He has not been given even five minutes to visit his house even for attending the funeral of his sister. Shahenaz Akhtar lived with her brother in a room next to his in Kurla, Mumbai. Muzammil shared his room with boys and she with girls. She would cook and call him through the window and both would sit together and eat like they did at home in their native town. On the day the police arrested him from his office of Agog Pharma Company in Vasai New Bombay she had kept the food ready but he did not come and she went hungry. She called home and they told her that he was sick in hospital. She continued teaching in school without even remotest though that she would ever see his face in her life again. For months on end the family sustained her with the excuse. She pined for him and beseeched to let her know the name of the hospital so she could go and see him. Even her mother was not told the truth. She too lived with anxiety and pain that her first born was in hospital. Months passed and then they came to know that he had been arrested on what turned out to be false charge of terrorism. Shahenaz’s soul traumatized with shock because she knew her brother was by no means what the police described. Their mother could not bear it and lost sleep and could not shut the lids of her eyes while weeping and crying and sighing all the time. She even almost lost her vision as she could not shut the eyes and could not recognize her other children. However impaired in vision she slightly recovered. The sister could not meet her brother nor could the mother her son. Shahenaz could not bear the loss and died in grief three years later. Both the sources of income stopped. The family fought at two fronts: ailment of the daughter and the legal battle which had begun even before the trial started. More than ten years have passed it has not begun even this late. On May 14, 2003 the ATS presented him in court where for the first time he was told that he was arrested for the Mulund blast on the local train. Till then he was given third degree torture. In the long incarceration Muzammil was stupefied for a long time but then realized that he owes an existential obligation to his life. He also used right to information act to collect facts about the circumstances of his arrest and what the police had done. He was implicated in POTA Special Case No 02/03. It consists of three cases: (1) Mulund bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 21/03 (2) Vile Parle bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 09/03 (3) Mumbai Centra bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 59/03. The police have simply forsaken him for good as they have failed to frame charges against him till today. In all 16 people were accused in the Special Case No 02/03. Almost all except him have been either discharged or given bail. All have been falsely implicated. The police have prepared charge sheet in which according to him the evidence is fabricated and concocted. From his cell in the prison he now wants the world to know how the evidence is fabricated and concocted so that another agency now the National Investigation Agency should conduct a fresh investigation because he believes that he is innocent. He has enumerated several grounds on which NIA should take the case for reinvestigation. First, different police officers have been appointed as Investigation Officer (IO) for the three cases mentioned above. But it is absolute truth according to him that only Rakesh Maria who was in charge of the Crime Branch till the death of Hemant Karkare investigated his case. This is unlawful for the designated three officers never took the case in their hands. Maria now ATS chief carried the day with him as he is awfully influential and resourceful in the Maharashtra government says Muzammil based on his empirical observation. He is filled with apprehension that these police officers will thwart his case from being transferred to NIA. Once in the beginning their father had gone to see his son at Crawford Market police station. He was detained and put in prison for a week. During that time the police undressed him and brought Muzammil there and told Muzammil to confess that he planted the bomb or else his mother and sister would also be disrobed similarly and abused. Sensing the humiliating proximity of his father and his sister not far from there he wept and wept and signed his fate. It was in his fate that he would be in prison for more than ten years and he an innocent! Second, Maria had also investigated POTA Special Case No 01/03 which deals with bomb blast in a bus at Ghatkoper railways station. All the accud in that case have been discharged. One of the reasons for Muzammil’s arrest was that he had a talk with Dr Mateen of Aurangabad who was the main accused. The police could not prove it. Another accused in the case was Khwaja Yunus who was beaten so much that he vomited blood, Dr Mateen wrote to the court that he would not survive the blood vomiting. Later Khwaja Yunus was taken out and mysteriously killed by inspector Sachin Vaze of ATS and his body was never found. Third, in the Karjat bound local train there was a bomb blast at 7.56 pm on March 13, 2003 as the train was entering Mulund. The police say that Muzammil was identified to be present in the train as it left CST or VT terminus. This is concocted for his phone record shows that he was in Kurla at his rooms at 7. 56 on March 13, 2003. The police have included a page of the phone record in the charge sheet that is simply doctored as can be seen in the photo copy. Its sequential order even does not show any sense of chronology let alone the facts. That proves the fabrication of evidence. This doctoring was done to hide the location. He was in Kurla and not at CST or in the train. Fourth, one of the witnesses says that he saw Muzammil put a bag and while doing it he accidentally let a bag of another passenger fall down from the rack that led to a quarrel. How could he be there when he was actually at his Kurla rooms? Fifth, the police have manipulated the eye witness statement by inserted “supplements” [purawni]. The Page numbers have been tampered with to implicate him falsely. He has attached sections of this tampering in the letter a copy of which is with this writer. Sixth, if one of the eye witnesses gave details of 4 persons who planted the bomb on the train of which Muzammil was one, and then who are the remaining three. Why is there no mention of them? How does this corroborate with the facts. Seventh, the charge sheet does not say who procured the explosives and how they were transported to CST. Where from the explosives were sourced is also left out from the investigation as it is not given in the charge sheet. There is not even the remotest possibility of Muzammil doing it for he lived with those including his sister he would not do any such thing. It is also unthinkable that he would continue to live there when other blasts also shook the city and he attending his office for two months as if nothing had happened! Eighth, Zahid Patni is one of the accused in POTA Special Case No 1/04. Patni who also became approver never retracted from his confession. He also said that he was behind the Mulund blast. But neither Patni nor anyone from his group has been charged for the Mulund blast. Ninth, in the Vile Parle bomb blast case two witnesses identified Muzammil who they said had parked the cycle on which the bomb was placed. The other person accused in this case is one Yusuf, a wanted accused. The two witnesses are friends and they met at Vile Parle but went to buy vegetables where they saw Muzammil parking the cycle and there was an altercation with some people there over parking. The vegetable market is so crowded and busy that it is impossible to park cycle there. Moreover the witness statement was recorded on May 22, 2003. It was got-up witness, an afterthought. Tenth, Muzammil wears dark specs all through those years and now as can be seen in this set of two photos with his fellow students. The sketch of the suspected bomber given by the police shows him to be wearing no spectacles. . Muzammil Eleventh, the cycle shop owner who had repaired the cycle, particularly paddles and the rim, gave a statement which was completely changed afterward. Why? Twelfth, the charge sheet is silent about the other bomb planter at Vile Parle. Muazmmil was nowhere near Vile Parle at that time. The person whose phone numbers are given as 9892469942 and 9892183615 here is the wanted Yusuf aka Janab. As a co planter he was nowhere there as can be seen from his phone record. Thirteenth, Muzammil was arrested from his office on May 7, 2003. But his colleague gave statement that he was arrested on 14th. Everyone in his office knows the truth that he was taken away on 7th. That shows how the police tutored his colleague to give false witness. It is as false as the colleague saying that the police had come to office on May 13 to make inquiry about Muzammil. Why should this give statement 44 days after his illegal detention and 5 months after the bomb blast! More puzzling is that the same colleague also said that he had seen Muzammil near the site of the blast! Fourteenth, the police have said in their record that the co accused Yusuf met Muzammil in the clinic of Dr Wahid on January 22nd and 23rd, 2003 and they decided to meet at 6.30 pm on January 27th 2003 near Vile Parle railway station or near Bus Stop No 312. The police say that Muzammil was waiting for Yusuf when the colleague named Rohit saw him there. Rohit asked him what he was doing there. Muzammil told him he was waiting for someone, Rohit went away. At 7 to 7.30 on January 27th Yusuf came there and according to police version gave Muzammil a bag and told him there was a bomb in it. It weighed 5 kilo. It was destined to blow at Vile Parle. Then the two went to the vegetable market close to the railway station. There he showed a cycle on the left side of the road and told Muzammil to hang the bag containing the bomb from the handle of the cycle. After having done so, as the police narration continues, he boarded bus no 330 and went back to his rooms in Kurla. Next day Muzammil read in the paper that the bomb had gone off there. The police claim this to have been the fact according to Muzammil in his confession which has been certified by the deputy commissioner of police. This confession was obtained through excruciating circumstances as shown earlier. Muzammil writes in his letter on it: “It is impossible for me to meet wanted accused Yusuf on 22nd or 23 rd January 2003 at/in Dr Wahid Ansari’s clinic, as Dr Wahid’s Clinic does not exist on 22nd or 23 January 2003. Since Dr Wahid has acquired his Clinic at D’Souza Nagar in March 2003. “Thus, when the said clinic at D’souza Nagar of Dr Wahid was acquired in March 2003, how I shall visit the Clinic on 22nd or 23rd January 2003.” In support of his claim Muzammil gives a photo copy which is shown on page no 1125 of the charge sheet. Furthermore, there is no call exchanged between him and Yusuf or Dr Wahid before March 2003 as is shown in the phone call record of Muzammil no 98921906506. For the first time Muzammil talked to Dr Wahid was on April 5th 2003. The phone record of Yusuf’s 9892469942 shows him to be at Mumbra and not at D’Souza Nagar at6.30 to 8.30 pm on January 27th 2003 which is the day and time of the incident of explosion at Vile Parle where one person died and 25 were injured. The exact time of the incident is 8.30 pm Monday January 27, 2003. Thus in all probability Yusuf is a police informer used in falsely implicating Muzammil in the Vile Parle case. Chapter 11 Because they were Muslims they were framed in false terror charges --a non communal approach Extremist groups like Abhinav Bharat and RSS and its affiliates took lead in planting bombs and sourcing RDX from government stock in army A cool logical review of terrorism cases down the last twenty five years shows that in a majority of cases of terrorism Muslim youths have been framed. Unless driven to the wall in a desperate situation devoid of hope of survival and police bias against them as well as police complicity in the crimes against them and the situation beggaring the resources of their legitimate self defense that the Muslims would think of taking to terrorism. On the contrary the Hindutva terrorism is aggressive and based on tacit support of the police and even the army and is paranoid in reaction. Malegaon was again in the news as the seventh anniversary of the blasts in graveyard mosque and Mushawarat chowk was being marked on 8th September 2013and the passing of the seven years and more of the arms seizure leave no sign of hope or resolution of the case. The three cases of terrorism of which one is called arms seizure case of 9th May 2006, first bomb blasts of 8th September 20006 and the second of 29th September 2008 illustrate very amusing disregard of logic in dealing with terrorism. These three cases and the 7/11 local train case, etc, have one theme that recurs. There was arms seizure in three places: Malegaon, Ankai and Aurangabad-Verul road side temple on 9th May 2006. The Anti Terrorism Squad says the RDX seized in these places was very huge and the remnant of it went to the blasts in the local trains in Mumbai on 11th July 2006 and also in the blasts in Malegaon 2006. One of the 9 accused and sometimes approver Abrar Ahmad accused that the police had forced him to implicate innocent Muslims in the smuggling of saman or RDX into the city. Thus five Muslims from Malegaon Dr Sharif Shabbir Ahmad, Afzal Khan Nabi Khan, Mushtaque Ahmad Mohammad Ishaque, Javid Ahmad Abdul Majid and Riyaz Ahmad Mohammad Ramzan were arrested in the arms seizure and several others including Mohammad Ali Sheikh and Firoz Khan and 7 of Malegaon were arrested for 2006 blasts in Malegaon. These last two were also implicated in the 7/11 blasts. The ATS had information that two cars, Indica No.MH 20-U 1240 and Tata Sumou No. MH-13X4380 were carrying arms and RDX on the way from Pimpalgaon to Malegaon and Aurangabad. There were five boxes in the Indica and 10 in Tata Sumou. The size of the boxes of brown colour were Height 1 foot, 11 inches Breadth 2 feet 7 inches Length 2 feet 7 inches It would be impossible for five boxes to be put in the Indica much more impossible to put the arms and ammunition into the server within the cartons. It is also unresolved why the ATS has so far failed to produce the Indica in the court as proof. It was recovered from a deserted place on the outskirts of Malegaon. The owners of Indica have also said that it was not rented from them. Dr Sharif’s phone No 9226701250 call records of 9th May 2006 shows zero in coming call from Bilal Ahmad 9850019310. In the same way of the same time there is no outgoing call from Bilal to Sharif. Except this the prosecution has not shown any contact between the two. Sharif and Bilal phone call records So the purported message of Bilal to Sharif that Sharif should help Amir bhai makes no sense. The message reads; amirbhai musibat maen hai police uska peecha kar rahi hai. Indica car mein computer aur saman hai. Us ko madad karo. “Amir bhai is in trouble. The police are shadowing him. There are computers and samans [weapons and RDX] in the computer. Help him.” Zabiudin Ansari (Abu Jindal) was at Pimpalgaon and he travelled to Malegaon in the Indica and left the car with Sharif who transferred the consignment of the five cartons in a rickshaw and drove to the electric shop of Abdullah. If the cartons could not be adjusted in Indica with three men riding in it how could they be loaded into an ordinary rickshaw with two men aboard? How come there is no record of their having paid octroi duty when the box would have been so protruding and visible to the staff of the octroi post! The ATS did not do panchnama at the Abdullah shop nor did it arrest the owner although the said consignment was recovered from his shop. Furthermore the ATS brought two witnesses from Mumbai. That is clearly violation of the rules which makes it necessary to make panchnama or registration of the crime or seizure in the presence of the neighbours. A more astounding feature is that Zabiuddin was a police informer and he is reputed to have unearthed the biggest arms haul for the police in a decade. How come then that he trapped Sharif and others and to what end? (1). Why did he abandon the Indica in Malegaon and travel to Aurangabad in a state transport bus? Between Pimpalgaon and Malegaon as well as between Pimpalgaon and Aurangabad the ATS had several check points and traffic barriers so why did they not stop the cars? The police could have easily stopped the cars and seized the arms and arrested the people within the cars. Even if the cars were speeding fast they could send messages to their other check posts and have the cars stopped searched and seized. Of other accused there is the case of Asif Basheer Khan. The police said that he stored the RDX in his house in Mira Road, Thane. This was part of the same RDX that the two cars were carrying. Asif is accused of supplying the RDX which went in the blasts in Malegaon 2006 and the serial train attacks of the same year in Mumbai in July. The accused in the arms haul cases and even the local train blasts cases have had no contact either on their phone or through email with each other. Therefore the arms haul case is bogus. The 2006 blasts in Malegaon have turned out to be the work of Hindutva terrorists and the police have arrested Rajndra Chowdhary, Lokesh Sharma, Amit, and Manohar Singh. These belong to the Sunil Joshi module hence logically speaking it should be the Hindutva group/s that must be behind the source of the RDX that was used in Malegaon 2006, Mumbai July 2006 blasts. It was about handling and bringing it in Malegaon that ASP Raj Vardhan Sinha wanted to be recorded in such a way that Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid should be framed. Sinha not only got Abrar record the conversation on his phone [that was provided by Sinha] but he also played the recording for Lt Col Prasad Purohit to listen in Jagtap farm house in Nasik in September 2006.(2) As Sinha used Abrar so did the ATS used the police agent from Beed, Jabi or Zabiuddin Ansari to trap fellow Muslims in the transport of the RDX and the weapons on May 9, 2006. The police has also bungled in investigation and botched up the cases. It follows the inductive logic premise: A. Arms haul case is fake. B. Blasts in local trains were carried out with the remnant RDX of May 2006 arms haul vintage. C. Therefore the serial blasts case is also bogus. The concluding inference of the syllogism will show that other terrorist modules were involved in the blasts in which innocent Muslims were arrested in for ferrying the RDX and arms. There are two other reasons why the people arrested in these cases were innocent. They were framed by the police. (A) The affidavit of Shakeel Ahmad Mohammad Yusuf of Malegaon clearly indicates it. Shakeel is employed in joining warp threads on power looms which is a humble roving job. He executed an affidavit on November 20, 2006. He states that he went to buy a bicycle on May 14, 2006 at 3.30 from Santosh cycle mart. There was the son of the owner Pius Agarwal at the counter. “I bought a new cycle in the name of my brother with receipt no 2635. After the bargain was over and the cycle was being fitted I sat inside the shop. There was a phone call on Pius’ mobile. First there was a coded interaction then somebody spoke in Hindi . “‘Whatever material we had put in the well near Ankai hillock was lifted in the presence of Rajwardhan[ ASP Raj Verdhan Sinha]. And whatever list of names we had given to Rajwardhan I had a face to face talk with him over it. All the names have been fitted in the setting completely and every work has been accurately done. We will sit together and prepare further programme when we meet.’ Because I had read in newspapers about the seizure of arms and RDX from near Ankai hillock I asked him what his relation is with the seizure of arms from there. You were just now talking about it. He was surprised greatly. He asked me whether I was listening to their talk. Then he said in hurry that it was their personal matter they were talking. “Then he told me that if I would wait there his father would come and prepare and give me the bill. After saying this he left the shop. His father came after 15 minutes and prepared the bill and handed it to me. “When the bombs exploded in the graveyard [in Malegaon on September 8, 2006] and I came to know through newspapers that the cycle on which the blast was carried out was bought from his shop I felt that the son of the owner may be involved in it. “I went to the ASP Anil Kumbhar along with MLA Shaikh Rashid and gave all this information to him. But I realized that no action was taken on the information I had given. “Therefore I am stating this fact without any greed or under any pressure to help the police investigate the matter and the real culprits are caught.” (B) The other is a set of technical details that create doubt about the arms haul case vis-à-vis bomb blasts of 2006. Why did Sinha record the transport of saman or RDX and arms on the phones of Abrar and implicate Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid? Purohit had stolen 60 kg of RDX from the army stock. What did he do with the huge stock apart from giving a few kilos to Bhagwan for Samjahuta Express explosions? Why did the police not seize Indica immediately when it was moving around the city of Malegaon for three days? Purohit says that he kept his senior informed about what he was doing. But the army refused to name that officer, why? (3) In the larger context of terrorism in India it is relevant to note that Purohit was in touch with Dyanand Pandey as the latter was in contact with Bhupender Singh and Rajive Sharma. Both were members of Bajrang Dal who had blown themselves up in Kanpur on August 24, 2008. Such was the terrific explosion that the senior most police officer there remarked that there was so much of RDX that it would have blown half of Kanpur to smithereens! Quite true in view of the fact that in addition to 60 kilos of RDX from the army Purohit must have also sourced the explosives from Shanker Shelke in a village not far from Pune and much closer to the artillery cantonment of Ahmedager who had 195 kilos of it when he committed suicide soon after 2006 Malegaon blasts. The police commissioner of Thane at that time who knew Ahmednager had said that the Malegaon blasts were connected to the arms of haul from Shelke’s scrap-yard. First Shelke disappeared after the blasts and two days later hanged himself. Or was it murder? Purohit has also been engaged in camouflaging the reign of terror he and his associates had unleashed on Muslims. He got the name of Venkatesh Takalki changed to Praveen Mutalik to avoid detection. He had asked Tkalki to surf the net on bomb making. Purohit used different groups of RSS such as the Tigers in Karnataka. (4) Thus the handling of huge amount of RDX circa 2006 and 2008 was done by the Hindutva terrorists and not the Muslims. Muslims had to be framed in false terror charges to camouflage what the Hindutva groups were doing. The police in Malegaon played a proactive role against the Muslims. They arrested five from Malegaon in the arms haul case. The details point out that Zabiuddin played a dominant role in the arms haul although he was a police informer. It was he at the Sumou Tata. Aamir introduced the inmates of the Indica to him and called him Zabiuddin. Thereafter Zabiuddin took over the command operation. He told Mujaffar driver of Indica to follow the Sumou Tata. Three to four kilo meters from Pimpalgaon Zabiuddin gave hand to Indica drive to stop by the side of the road where a container of Aysher Company was parked. There were two men standing by the side of the container. It was again Zabiuddin who talked to them and then told them to unload 10 to12cartons from the container into the Sumou. Then he told the driver Azim to drive towards Aurangabad. He got five cartons loaded into the Indica and got in the Indica and told Mujaffar to drive towards Malegaon. He also phoned Aamir how far they had traversed on the way to Aurangabad. At Malegaon Zabiuddin introduced the others in the car to Dr Sharif. He handed over the Indica to Dr Sharif and told him to keep the consignment at the entrance, RMO’s room, of the gate of Mansoora campus. He also told Mujaffar to go to Aurangabad by another bus while he took a separate bus to the same destination. From there he was reported to have fled to Bangla Desh. Thus a police informer played such crucial role in transport of the RDX and arms as he had done in unearthing the huge arms for India as reported by Hindustan Times. In Malegaon a more questionable role was played by Mufti Ismail who went to the midnight police conference and expressed his regret how the Muslims youths had brought shame to the community by their involvement in the arms haul. He was not a political leader then but in the next two assembly election he won consecutively. Many who oppose him politically like the editor of the local weekly Awami Awaz who recalled the mid night police conference: ‘There reached the liar, promise breaker, deceiver, who after more than seven years is expressing his regret at the arrest of the innocent in the arms haul case. He has now demanded that the innocent arrested should be given bail on deposit of money as security while the lawyers are preparing argument to show that they are innocent and should be acquitted. ” (5) It is a quandary that the mufti was so close to Sinha. When Sinha was transferred he wept at the departure so maudlin he was! He would reportedly carry the children of the cop to drop them at their school! He was also allegedly caught in the case of an unlicensed gun seized from his person at Deolali camp where Purohit stayed. As far as arms and RDX are concerned Purohit was definitely involved but in a letter to his superiors the intelligence officer at Jabalpur, Maj Bhagirath Dey, and the commanding officer of Southern Command liaison unit, Col Vinay Panchpore, Purohit has blamed Indresh Kumar to be behind the July 2008 Ahmadabad and Surat blasts. He wrote in the letter that Indresh Kumar is “instrumental in carrying out these actions.” (6)) ------- (1) Indian suspected of 26/11 role once worked for India. Hindustan Times 8th February 2010 Mumbai edition. (2) Abrar Ahmad’s affidavit submitted to MCOCA court on April 18, 2009. (3)Arrested Lieutenant Colonel revealed name of high-profile leader, TOI November 12, 2008 (4)CBI to quiz Aseemanand for Malegaon. Toi. 15-3-11 (5) Awaami Aawaz, Friday September 13, 2013 (6) http://www.outlookindia.com/printarticle.aspx?281471 The army named Lt Col B.P. Dhar, Captain Sood, Major D.P. Sudhir and Subedar Pawar in connection with Purohit but refused to name the others believed to more than a score. See link from Outlook magazine: Terrorist? Not Our Man His colleagues vouch for Lt Col Purohit in an army court. Yet questions remain. ‘I Infiltrated Abhinav Bharat, Did My Job, Kept Bosses In The Loop’ Purohit likewise claims to have forwarded Dey a handwritten letter on Oct 15, ’08. Chapter 12 Of Javed Mozawala Several scores of Muslim youths have languished in jail for years together and in the end they came out of prison as innocent accused in terror related charges. Some of them have even been killed through beating and water boarding or hanging like Khwaja Yunus and Shakeel Ahmad. There is strong probability that another accused sentenced on July 15, 2013 to seven years imprisonment is innocent, Javed Mozawala. The circumstances of the case show what even the session court admitted as “lapses” in the investigation.(1) For example the witness account looks as fabricated as in some other cases. According to the prosecution witness Fakir Ahmad Mansoor Ali, Javed had given envelops to him to be handed over to the Pakistani High Commission in Delhi. “These envelopes contained CDs, pen drives and hard discs on which information regarding defense installations and other infrastructure was stored.” There is no other official record of this with the Crime Branch of any previous or later such handing over of information. Why should Javed trust another person to carry sensitive matters concerning to of all countries, Pakistan? It is also worth noting that the court acquitted Mozawala under Section 120 B (criminal conspiracy) of the Indian Penal Code. The Pak High Commission employee Jamal and Abdu Latif Bhatti must have been contacted by any one in India for any official work. Why pick up only Javed? Even with the reservation in the court judgment it is a puzzled that the documents were in the hands of a person other than the accused. What if the other person was a police informer or a rival of the accused in the business of getting visa in favourable conditions? There could have also been trade jealousy. The reports in papers show that Javed could get visa earlier than others in the same trade. That does not prove his guilt other than buttressing the case of the prosecution. The judge also erred in calling the High Commission as Embassy: "Mozawala was in contact with the Pakistan Embassy (sic) and was getting visa-related work done from Jamal, who was found working under a fictitious name. He was in touch with Abdul on a cellphone number that was used only to contact him." What exactly was the nature and content of the talk on phone? Why did not the police furnish the conversation of Javed and the officials of Pak High Commission? There are many technical details which cannot be simply brushed under the carpet of national security because Javed Mozawala is a legitimate Indian citizen himself and has right to equality before law and protection. (A) If the phone numbers of the two Bhatti employees of the Pak HC were deactivated after their transfer to elsewhere Javed cannot be held responsible as his own phone was easily accessible for the police in Mumbai. (2) (B) The police and especially ATS are notorious for arresting people much earlier than the date of their record in appearance in court. For example Muzammil Akhtar was arrested on May 7, 2003 but presented in court on May 14. This is also the case of Lt Col Prasad Purohit and Sadhvi Pragya Singh. This structural mistake in their conduct of investigation cannot be held against any of the accused. So Javed was arrested on December 7, 2010 and the police claim that they arrested him on December 9th. Even if his family says in court that he did not sleep at home on 7th and 8th of December, will the court entertain it? Another hypothetical situation would be how could he prove that he was for example on work on those two days when he was actually under detention? The court should not have enmeshed itself in such a frivolous issue. The judge wrote in the 69 page judgment that Javed could have through “oral or documentary evidence” shown to be arrested on 7th. When Javed has contested that he was arrested on 7th that was enough for the court’s purpose. It is the police who have mentioned 9th December in their FIR. Why did not the court ask the police to account for the discrepancy? (3) If as the judge observed: "The documents, which are seized during the raid, are proved to be classified and dangerous to the nation's sovereignty, if placed in the hands of an enemy nation.” Which document he refers to, the ones got from Farkir Ahmad Mansoor Ali or a raid on the residence of Javed? It is known that the police have often planed incriminating documents which could not stand in the court of trial. If raid, then who were the panchas or witness from the neighbourhood that were present during the raid? And among the documents there was a booklet on how to escape on being spotted or suspected. Such a collection of tips in such a situation will easily land a person into the net of the agencies rather than avoid being suspected. The inventory of items would rather make one laugh rather than believe in them: “The crime branch had seized 42 pages with telephone and code numbers, eight pages of instructions on how to conduct secret operations and how Islamic groups exchange messages, 21 coloured photographs of defence establishments, bridges, dams and topographies of surrounding areas, 13 visa application forms for the Pakistan high commission, and 15 Indian passports.” Javed like Mohammad Shafi Afghani (sentenced 5 years in jail) had 21 photos of vital installations. If Javed had really such photos taken by him and not planted and yet the court absolves him of conspiracy then there more questions raised than any answered. If there existed no conspiracy then the above mentioned items seized would be rather got-up evidence and cannot be true. Fortunately no attacks so far have taken place and yet the courts are seized with panic. The agencies are going overboard with such matters. His family and defense lawyers have claimed that what was presented as evidence was easily available on the net.(4) Why would either the Pakistanis supply such matters or he provide them or keep with him? A much more convincing proof is the truthful emotion in the court scene. It was a cataclysmic shock that shook Javed as it did later Himayat Baig in the Pune German Bakery case. Both wept and cried and were shaken and were overwhelmed by the calamity that had visited them. Javed fell to his knees with folded hands while his brother tried to comfort him and his mother tried to reason with the judge. The court was packed to the full capacity and the milieu was hushed up as if spell bound. His agonized cries in the court rising in a crescendo and his realization of his wife and children’s condition drove him to despair though it was only seven years of rigorous imprisonment. (5) His emotions match Himayat Baig who also wept profusely when the judge sentenced him to death on April 18, 2013. There is another similarity of the two cases. They show the failure of the systems when it comes to Muslims as Ashish Khetan and PT Tufail recount the miscarriage of justice in the case of Himayat Baig: “This is in fact the story of how the whole system—the police, the political executive and the criminal courts–is dehumanizing, criminalizing and crippling an entire generation of Muslim youth. This is a story that shakes your faith in the idea of India: the idea that minorities have equal rights and status as the majority; that poor Muslims too, if they aspire, can dig themselves out of the abyss of backwardness; that everyone is guaranteed the constitutional right to a fair trial; that the criminal courts are neutral dispensers.”(6) In fact Javed and Baig have fallen victim of the carefully crafted policy of keeping them within the “abyss of backwardness”. ------- (1) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-07-17/mumbai/40634839_1_visa-agent-pakistan-embassy-jamal-bhatti (2) (3)http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mozawala-convicted-of-spying-sentenced-to-seven-years-in-jail/1142439/0 (4) http://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/mumbai-court-jails-isi-agent-for-seven-years-25109.html (5) http://www.mumbaimirror.com/mumbai/crime/Pak-spy-from-Mazgaon-gets-seven-years-in-jail/articleshow/21092471.cms (6) http://gulail.com/the-people-of-the-abyss/ Chapter 13 Deconstructing the confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy The deputy commissioner of police Zone IX Niket Kaushik took down the confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy on 15 and 17 October2008 and got it signed by the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate SN Chindhamberkar. One of the questions put to him was “Why are you making a confession?” Mansoor replied: “I wish to tell the truth.” The next question and its reply give away the real truth. “Do you want anybody to be present when you give your confessional statement?” Truly speaking an uninhibited and casual reply would be based on our dictum which says: Let truth prevail. In real terms the victim would like others to be present and see that what he replies is made public or allow the public to know it. But strangely Mansoor replied “No.” His negative reply indicates that he was constrained to say so or what is worse the confession was a foregone affair and he had only to sign wherever the interrogator told him to. In contrast to this the threatening and taunting email sent before and after the blasts in Ahmadabad, Delhi and other places bears the hall mark of the letter and phone call that the Hindutva terrorists made and sent the next day of the blasts on 8 September 2008 in Malegaon. The caller in Malegaon contextualizes the attack that it was made by the Sangh Parivar and more explosions are on the way if the Muslims do not leave India and the Jamiatul Ulema does not stop being smart. The email sent to media on impending blasts in Delhi reads: ““Blasts in green zone in Delhi—stop them if you can.” (At that time, as Mohammad @Iqbal Bhatkal was in Mangalore, ASif@Haroon went to Mangalore, got the dictation for mail from iqbal there and we prepared the final draft in Pune.” Mansoor wanted the first part dealing with threat to be kept but denied the clause in the parenthesis. This could not be the brain child of Mansoor. Somebody must have prepared the confession beforehand and decided to remove the parenthetical clause. Reading between the lines anyone can say that the rejected clause would have increased the burden of the investigative agencies to support it by verification and arguing in the court of law. Hence, the inference, that the denial was ipso facto. Furthermore being a well paid person through the company pay packet and also reimbursement of 70,000 for the course of learning hacking, it is unthinkable that they (here specifically Mansoor) would buy a lap top for Mubeen at the instance of Iqbal Bhatkal. It is improbable. That the Google paid him the expenses of the course in Hyderabad is an established truth. Therefore Iqbal Bhatkal has no locus standi. Hemant Karkare was the chief of Anti Terrorism Squad during this period. He was perplexed by the excellent family and cultural background of Mansoor. He could not believe that such a prodigious boy would so demean himself to terror activities. Thus the charge sheet saying that he and the alleged accomplices had the intention of "waging war against India, to shake the faith of common citizens by large scale violence" is improbable to say the least. Nothing has shaken the faith of the commonalty as far as blasts are concerned. If anyone is worked up over it, it is only the Hindutva groups. To reflect focus from them these inflated charges could be made. As a former ATS officer said of the lap top of Dyanand Panedy recording: “Listen to the tapes and you’ll understand why these men should be charged with sedition and waging war against the state.”1 Comparing the confession of Mansoor with the above quoted remark shows that if at all there was conspiracy it was not on the part of Mansoor. The Peerbhoy family is not like the families of criminals be they terrorists or not. They are intelligent and articulated. Even Mansoor’s brother Alim has this much IQ to say the probable: "Mansoor can't be a terrorist. He works for about 15 hours a day. Where would he get time for terrorist activities? Even if he did send these e-mails, he must have been made to do so by other people without him having any knowledge of such terrorist intentions."2 So the crux of the problem is how to go to the logical end of proving what Karkare wanted but was cut down in his track to unearth the full extent of “politics of terrorism” as he referred in his last interview to Indian Express called Smily farewell. Earlier he had remarked “What does one make of these men? Look at their backgrounds. Their academic excellence can put one to shame.”3 Karkare could not himself be ashamed of such stuff of what men of integrity and honesty and intelligence are made of, specifically Mansoor and Subhan he meant. It was for those who wrongfully arrest the innocent Muslims and framed them in bogus terror charges. 1.(Hindutva terror’s deep roots exposedMail Today 18 July 2010) 2.(http://www.indianexpress.com/news/peerbhoy-s-brother-to-be-made-a-witness/424969/) 3. http://www.tehelka.com/tag/mansoor-peerbhoy/ December 19, 2013 Chapter 14 Will framing of innocent Muslims in terror charges ever end? Terrorism was always there before independence and after 1947. But playing politics with terrorism is relatively recent phenomenon. VD Savarkar had supplied guns in the opening decade of the twentieth century to kill not just in one case but several from the killing of the collector of Nasik to Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi. Framing innocent also predates Crucifixion. However today it is the infiltration of the Hindutva sympathizers in the police and army as well as judiciary that is causing havoc with our polity. The future is bleak as can be gauged from the case of Shakeel Moinuddin Sheikh. Sometimes back he had complained to the DN Nagar police in Andheri, Mumbai, that he feared how two mosques could be vandalized. On January29, 2014 some miscreants went to his flat in Archana housing society in Juhu lane [gully] and threatened him of serious consequences. He reported the matter to the police. Senior inspector Dilip Shinde along with 20 lady police and many others in civilian dress went to the area. By then a crowd had gathered there. Shinde dispersed the crowd. But the next day he took a large contingent of police and threatened him of serious consequences. On the pretext of searching his flat Shinde planted a gun into the house. He then challenged Sheikh to call as many media people as he would. He would now give Sheikh taste of the matter of mosque and temple. “My name is Shinde” he added.1 He detained him. Sheikh approached Abu Azmi of Samajwadi Party who called on the chief minister Pruthviraj Chavan. Senior inspector Rajendra and ACP Dhinedhar recorded Sheikh’s complaint and allowed him to leave. He gave in writing the facts to CP Rakesh Maria who ordered inquiry. As a result the authorities suspended Shinde from the police service. There were others who were arrested but later they were released. If the matter had not gone to the chief minister and the commissioner of police and Shine had his day the fate of Sheikh would have been doomed. And very likely multiple bogus cases of terrorism or possession of unlicensed gun would have been slapped. That is what happened in scores of cases like Hyderabad 2007 blasts in the Mecca mosque. An enlightened citizenry and law agency can check the rot from spreading. In addition all the multiple cases slapped against individuals must be tried at one place in successive days so that truth would come to light at the earliest. Fahim Ansari has been acquitted in 26/11 is not all that important than the fact that the police played proactive role as they did in Malegaon. They framed innocent Muslims in terrorism charges. What about punishing the cops and the sleuths? Acquittal in just one case enthused Yasmeen wife of Fahim so much how boosting it would be if all the cases of her husband are resolved? “The High Court verdict depicts different pictures of Muslims contrary to what is perceived and presented. We are not terrorists and Indian Muslims never supported any terrorist act either within the country or by Pakistan. It also strengthens our faith in the judicial system of our country.” 2 She remarked that her husband is totally innocent and would prove his innocence in the January 1, 2008 attack on the CRPF at Rampur. About her daughter Iqra (11) she says whenever she hears “Fahim Ansari’s acquittal she asked when Abbu will return and I feel very sorry for her that I can’t answer this question.” Her interview reveals if the government is positive it will discourage framing of innocent people. Yasmeen remarked the government in Maharashtra was different although home minister RR Patil had said that his government would appeal in the SC. It is a key factor in preventing wrongful arrest of innocent. The government attitude should be encouraging to check the bogus cases being slapped against the helpless and indigent people. She also spoke about how the defense lawyers react. “Honestly, when we saw him [Shahid Azmi] initially, we did not believe in him he was so young and inexperienced but when he started talking to us we felt that we are at the right place. He never asked for his fees and gave us hope that Fahim will be acquitted if he is innocent. Whereas before Adv. Shahid, we met many big criminal lawyers but they said if you have lakhs of rupees then only come otherwise pray because Fahim cannot get even bail.” The last hurdle calls for some kind of fund raised by government to let the innocent fight their cases rather than the NGOs. After all the accused happen to be well educated and have had no aversion for their country. They were aggrieved intensely and at time broken but they still had hope for justice. This also could check the framing of innocents in future. It was indomitable case with12,850-page charge sheet against Fahim and Sabauddin. It reflects a lot on the agencies as Judge ML Tahilyani dismissed the case for no evidence against the two. The case needs further vetting. How could Fahim be arrested in Rampur, UP, with a hand drawn map of Mumbai and still be in the jail of that far away place at the time when the 26/11 took place. It speaks volumes what Shahid Azmi asked the police: “If the map was found in the pocket of a slain terrorist, why wasn’t it soiled or stained?” Ordinary innocent people are not cut out for such improbabilities. Public must be vigilant against such clap trap in courtrooms. Another improbability is how come the police could not convince the court as to whose bullet killed Karkare and Salaskar. Ajmal Kasab’s confession that he had killed the two was not convincing. 3 The judge must have been laughing in his sleeves that perhaps someone else’s bullet killed them! With such improbabilities causing no chance of raising heckles shows that the public mood was not sensitive about the court proceedings. Public memory is also transcient. PC Hasan Gafoor had said that Rakesh Maria had avoided front line duty. But the new book The Siege makes out that Maria was seething with anger when Gafoor ordered Maria to remain at his post and not to go and interrogate injured Kasab. Ram Pradhan Commission criticized the police for its being faction riddled. It implies that a faction was responsible for cover up by implicating innocent Muslim youths like Fahim and Sabauddin even before the attacks on 26/11 took place. Aristotle has held the view that improbable possibility is the stuff of tragedy. In India such a current instance is that of the Malaysian flight MH 370. There was no flight movement towards this country and yet an India Pakistan and US interlocutor Strobe Talbott feels that Lashkar-e-Taiyba has a Jumbo-Jet-Room exclusively devoted to design such an aerial attack. To IB and R&AW it was a god send for their pass time of hunting till yesterday- non-existent Indian Mujahideen. Despite the readymade repertoire of a long listing and simultaneously ever changing IM boss this hypothesis planted now would have sufficient fertilizer spread through the media. Mufti Sufiyan of Haren Pandya assassination, Maulana Umarji of Godhra conspiracy, Faheem Ansari of 26/11 and now the slot is waiting to be filled up. That is what premeditated blaming is all about. It was enough to plant: “Malaysia plane mystery: Direction, fuel load & range now lead some to suspect hijackers planned a 9/11-type attack on an Indian city.”4 In a related matter the Chabbad House/Nariman House Rabi Gavriel and wife Rivaka had bought more than a hundred kilos of chicken and hundreds of bottles of wine just on the eve of 26/11is improbable possibility given the scanty inmates is conveniently brushed under carpet by the sleuths. Failed attempt of flight MH 370 would be transformed into real. Wait. Is Yaseen B listening? 1.Inqulab March 1, 2014. 2. http://twocircles.net/2011feb22/fahim_ansari_thanked_god_after_acquittal_2611.html 3 http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main44.asp?filename=Ne150510missing_pieces.asp 4 http://www.rediff.com/news/report/talbotts-tweet-let-has-major-plans-to-attack-india-from-the-skies/20140316.htm?pos=1&src=NL20140317&isnlp=0&isnlsp=0 Chapter 15 The imbroglio that is Batla House, Bhatkal town, and Pune German Bakery blasts… On March 3, 2014 it came in the open that the defense counsel in the German Bakery blast case Mehmud Pracha received death threats on his phone on February 25, 2014. There were more than two dozen international calls when the case was being heard in Arthur Road Jail court. This speaks of the extent of Hindutva forces overseas behind terrorism. There are significant numbers of Indians of Hindutva group that have a stake in turning India as a Hindu nation. For them as well as for the deshi Hindutva groups only Muslims are terrorists and for all acts of terrorism only Muslims should be stigmatized. Hindus only react. Their reaction is not act of terrorism. In tandem with the Hindutva Diaspora supporting extremism and terrorism in India there are the police in India who play the same foul game. Mehmud Pracha remarks: mujhe phone aur sms key jarye jaan se marne ki dhamki dee jarahi hai. Is silsiley men maiy ney na koi police station meyn shikayat ki na hi mai kahin aur darkhoast karne wala hun. Kiuyun ki mujhe police ki karwai par bharosa nahin hai. “I am receiving death threats on phone as well as through SMS. But I am not going to complain at any police station or anywhere because I have no faith in the working of the police.”(Inquilab, March 4, 2014) The threat emanating from abroad in such a large number is a new phenomenon which confirms Frank Raj’s theory of Hindutva more than Sharia as a threat to the world. It calls for a broad jurisdiction of disposing of cases of terrorism. There are many Indians abroad who are arrested on return to their homeland and then detained and tortured in a bid to frame the innocent natives into bogus terror charges. Khwaja Yunus was one such. He was subjected to water boarding and beaten so cruelly that he vomited blood. Even his dead body was destroyed by police especially ATS (Maharashra) officer Sachin Vaze. Who in the Indian Diaspora is implicit in the nefarious design? Khwaja Yunus was killed but Abdul Samad survived. It is worth recall the drama in this case that was played in 2010. Exit Chotu, Enter Abdul. The Media and the Investigators on Pune blast Till early May 2010 the print and electronic media was sensationalizing the discovery of Salman chhotu as the key figure in Pune bomb blast and then switched to Abdul Samad. Raising the adrenaline by hook or crook is the order of the day. If Shakespeare were alive today he would have very excellent night watch Dogberry as a cop. Keeping watch in the town would be such a fun no one would like to turn in. Even a mainstream paper like The Times of India said that Rajasthan police’s getting Salman chhotu for investigation in the Ajmer blast was a ‘distant dream’. The investigators of several states were falling over each other to reach him and ask him to help them resolve terror cases. The media was on the cusp of becoming the cop as the cop was self conscious of appearing before the public. Another paper speculated that it would be a year before another state would have opportunity to interrogate chhotu. Is our chhotu such a mine of information? This time around The Times of India is again somersaulting. Its crime report from Mumbai(Pune blast: 5 more likely to be arrested, May 26, 2010) speaks of two RAW sleuths travelling from United Arab emirate to Mangalore and then ATS from Maharashtra husking away Abdul Samad to Mumbai. Five more would be arrested for inquiry, presumably on the leads Abdul must have provided. Did he? As the reporter calls him ‘prime accused’, what has the newspaper to attach this epithet to the stripling youth from Bhatkal? He is called the planter of the bomb at the German bakery. If the cops knew this twenty days after February 13, why this dilly dallying in arresting him then? A day after the same paper from its Bangalore edition ('Bhatkal's brother being framed'Deepak Kumar Shenvi & N D Shiva Kumar, May 27, 2010) has a different story. It says that Abdul Samad has a brother Mohammad Ahmed whom the police mistakenly called Yasin Bhatkal. Yasin Bhatkal is a step brother of Abdul. After this hilarious drama that began at midnight the cops interrogated Abdul and let him go! Then what happened to the ‘planter of bomb’ that the police had identified Abdul 20 days after the explosion? Thus the comedy of errors verges on the dark comedy. It is this dark comedy that makes our cops excellent watchmen of our towns when we sleep for they never keep watch but go to sleep themselves. Salman Chhotu and solidarity of Jamia Millia teachers and students for civil society Jamiia Millia teachers and students have shown how solidarity among them is a beacon of hope that one day the doppelganger of terrorism evoked by the Intelligence Bureau in collusion with ATS and local police would be buried. Hemant Karkare was left to bleed to death along with two officers as well as some police men. This is amply confirmed by the new startling discoveries that in the Batla house encounter Mohan Chand Shrma was also allowed to bleed to death. After being shot he had remarkably climbed down four flights of stairs and when he was helped to walk to the waiting police van there was no blood mark on the ground anywhere. All his vital organs had not received any gunshot wound. Therefore it confirms the earlier version (not of the police) of the event that he was shot by one of the cops there from behind or from the side. Why was even first aid in plugging the wound not given? This is amazing because the police had gone to Butla house with full preparation of encountering the supposed terrorists in their hideout! Batla house fake encounter was taking place in full view of the local people. They did not hear any gun shot in the action that was unfolding there. On the other hand they saw the cops tumbling down flower pots and other objects there. This would mean that those who were killed were shot in closed space and from close range. These startling disclosures are coincided with the truth about Pune blast of how there is attempt to throw blame on the Indian Mujahideen to deflect attention from Abhinav Bharat and Sanathan Sanstha. What the police, ATS and IB are doing surreptitiously is betrayed by the Hindu communalists in Bhatkal who marched through the streets there shouting their support to the Sanathan Sanstha! Within two days of taking action against ATS chief Raghuvanshi home minister RR Patil replaced him with Rakesh Maria who started chasing the chimera of Indian Mujahideen and in tandem the “embedded media” of the likes of Praveen Swami went to Bhatkal because the game would begin there. That the people of Bhatkal had informed the police that the Margao (Goa) bomb blast was arranged through shipment of the explosives through sea rout was thrown to the wind. As with individuals so with the towns and cities they live in. As Muslims of Yemenis descent (called Navayat Muslims) have lived in Bhatkal for generations and prospered it does not go down well with the authorities and the right wing parties and their affiliates. Essentially the latter target such places for the sizable population of Muslims. Bhatkal is the Kanada counterpart of Malegaon in Maharashtra and Azamgarh in UP. Outsiders come and stoke communal feeling and this is the surest recipe of garnering votes for right wing parties like BJP and the Shiv Sena. Uma Bharti was the first to tour the town in 1991 and as is her wont raised the communal tension on account of her people and her religion innate and the others being foreigners and their faith of foreign origin. That was opening the Pandora’s box. The death of Dr Chitranjan, BJP MLA, in 1996 set the stage for violence. Turning communities to loggerhead you can bake your chapatti as the houses burn. As with towns so with religion. Those like Praween Swami who believe that religion propels terrorism are wrong. The first terrorist attack by Muslims was by those who were not fanatics. Dawood Ibrahim and his lieutenants had hobnobbed well with the local Hindus and shared with them many customs and traditions. They were hardly the type made out: hard drinking and womanizing gangsters. Nor were they glued to cinema serials. What went wrong was the audacity of the Shiv Sainks who in collusion with the police perpetrated cruelty on the Muslims, one such was the sister of the don and hence the response was swift in coming. After or before the first major terrorist attack the Muslims made no justification using the text of their holy book. As in Mumbai 1993 so in Coimbator 1998. Wipe out communalism and terrorism would die like fish out of water. The corruption infested system of customs across the seas was pliant enough to import RDX as was the fishing trawlers in the Indian sea came handy for bringing in the ten from Karachi for 26/11. Atif and Sajid were also from Azamgarh as is Salman Ahmad(chhotu). Swami’s “investigaters say” has been proved to be the grapevine of lies foisted upon the public by the IB and the ATS as has convincingly been proved by the post mortem reports. They show that those who were calling Butla encounter as fake were after all not the Alices in the wonderland. They were alert with their senses when the Butla fake encounter took place. They also had a historical sense because they knew that Mohan Chand Sharma and his guru Rajbir Singh were made of the same stuff of corruption and communalism.. The realtor Bharadwaj silenced Rajbir forever. Rajbir Singh of the Special Cell of Delhi police had given the realtor 50 lakh rupees to invest in business along with a gun. Months passed when Rajbir Singh went to Bhradwaj who feared that the police officer would kill him in fake encounter, shot him with the gun that the cop had given him! MC Sharma was also involved in such unlawful and criminal activities. He had a flat where he would torture Muslim youths to extract confession and then frame them in encounters to get promotion. Anzar plaza shoot out was one such. Such is the stuff the encounter cop is made of. Jamia teachers and students are aware of the laws of the land and would like to abide by them unlike the cops who have earned notoriety for India, too, of the extraordinary renditions. And the ultra nationalists within the country who are baying for blood of the minority Muslims even for perceived wrong. They have made the minority more sinned against than sinning. There have been press conferences right in Mumbai where mothers of accused Muslim youths languishing in jails for years have asseverated that there should be speedy trial and if their sons are found really guilty they would hang them with their own hands. This does not cut any ice so far as the ultra nationalists are concerned. For example Lt Col Srikant Purohit and Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thackur are also in jail accused of terrorism. No Smita Salaskar has expressed strong words against them, as strong words as she did in the case of Faheem Ansari and Sabauddin. She rightfully feels happy that Kasab is found guilty “But I am disappointed as Faheem Ansai and Sabauddin have been acquitted. They should be hanged before Qasab as they are insiders waging war against their own nation.” (Asian Age 4-5-10)Purohit and Ramesh Upadhya, Sudhakar Dwevdi and others did more, wrote even their constitution to replace the Constitution of the Republic of India after exploding bombs not just in Malegaon but several other places. They would take over the county by 2025. The Maoists have set similar target for 2050 but feel emboldened to achieve the same much earlier! Why not go after the whole lot of them the way we go after the Azamgarh brigade! Digvijay Singh’s going to Azamgah is diametrically opposed to Praveen Swami going to Bhatkal. Going to each other’s neighbouhood or towns and villages to know the truth and also sympathize with victim off injustice would go a long way to bring back civil life that is sorely missing today. If at all people have gone astray in our neighbourhood it is necessary to know the reason of it and if needed to redress the wrong done to them. Slamming 50 criminal cases in farfetched states of UP, Rajasthan, Mahrashtr and Gujarat against a teenager is mind boggling, to say the least. Salmaan Ahmed or Chhotu’s case is just that. The disclosure of the involvement raises many serious questions. If Home Minister Chidambrum had said a week ago that the Pune case was cracked then why did the investigative agencies wait for a whole week to crack the fact on Friday April 7 2009 about an alleged phone call chhotu had received from Riyaz Bhatkal giving him badhai or greetings on the Pune blast of February 13. If chhotu was really involved he should have known it rather than being told by Riyaz to watch TV to know it. The entire disclosure seems to be carefully orchestrated to splash headlines on chhot in Sunday editions so the people could comfortably read and have maximum impact of it. The mainstream English media coverage smacks complacency and drivel. Of course what chhotu said is confession under duress. The age of chhotu is far from clear, DNA mention his year of birth 1992, Indian Express mentions 1998, the Hindu also mentions it 1998 but says it is 1985 on the passport. What is in his juvenility that is so fluid? But the crux of the matter is that Salman chhotu is now, ipso facto, made out to be directly connected to the Butla encounter. When so many people are seized with the question of authenticity of the Butla encounter why are the authorities dragging in chhotu into it? Will chhotu play David Headley role in Butla? This skimpy sapling youth! If Salman really stayed in the Qaiserbaug of Lucknow how come the landlord did not know him? This is what Indian Express reports: “The owner of the house, Mushtaq Ahmed, who runs a wholesale medicine business, denied knowledge of Salman. He said five youths from Azamgarh had been his tenants, but he stopped renting out rooms after the ATS raided his house in 2008. The ATS team too had asked him about Salman, Ahmed said.” This surely means that the landlord and the ATS were sailing in the same boat, had no hard proof of his stay. If Salman chhotu was doing Bachelor of Computer Application from the Sapru Marg Hajratganj centre of Sikkim Manipal University then why did the head of the university Harpal Dhillon deny it? Dhillon stated that Salman’s application for admission was rejected and part of the fees returned to him. How far is it true that when the name of IM came out in Butla encounter he fled to Nepal? When various human rights organizations in Jaipur have started clamouring for fresh inquiry into Jaipur blasts in the aftermath of Ajmer exposure of RSS involvement why do the police still say that he is involved in the Jaipur blasts? Is not the police upfronting chhotu in both Butla House encounter as well as Jaipur ones? To what end? What is more serious: why is the Delhi police denying Rajasthan police now access to chhotu? Is this a repeat of FBI denying access to Headley? In fact The Times of India calls it a distant dream of Rajasthan ATS: the access to chhotu! If Chidambrum and the police really cracked the Pune case then why this trash reporting “According to the police, Salmaan is involved with the IM, and it was he who told them about the IM’s involvement with the Pune blasts.” This is hearsay and would remain so until the police prove it otherwise. Jamia teachers and students have done commendable service by proving what is false with un-deniable evidence. Can we now expect the investigation agencies to follow suit? “Sir, don’t..I am not a terrorist”: Déjà Vu Terrorism What is happening in the country is nothing short of déjà vu terrorism. The kind of opinion that the police and investigation agencies create by sensationalizing leaks released to the media and how the media people fall over each other to scoop it will make Muslims en mass look as terrorists. As in the case of every other shining brand, Muslim terrorism is also a commodified brand for marketing. The duo Riyaz @Rehan and Abdul Latif@Guddu were arrested in Mumbai under the ruse that they were about to burn a cloth market, an office of the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC), and the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre. Their weapon was a match box to set the target on fire as getting RDX had become so difficult. How could it be so difficult for them in Mumbai and at the same time so easy for Indian Mujahideen in Pune is something only ATS under KP Raghuvanshi knows very well or their higher ups in Intelligence Bureau. But the theory fell on its face when it came out that the reason behind this façade was that Rehan was in love with a Gujarati Jain girl. Her father reportedly used police influence to forestall the affair from climaxing into marriage. The kind of work that Babu Bajrangi was also doing for a higher premium, of course. The police are also far past in doing the same kind of social engineering is proven in the case of Priyanka Todi and Rizwanur Rehman. The police got him crushed under train. It is ironic that Shah Rukh Khan chose his cricket team to put on the sports-wear of Ashok Todi’s Lux Cosy. The People in Kokata would not have this badge of shame. In their mind Rizwan Khan and Rizwan Rehman are the same. The assertion of the film dialogue also militates against it, My name is Khan and I am not a terrorist. Rehan too was credit worthy as a merchant Panit Prajapati told the people about steady service and noble character of Rehan. The police (read KP Raghuvanshi) were carried off their feet by the new brand in vogue in the market. How could these two burn so much of property and area by simple match box is the Aristotelian thesis of impossible probability being more effective theme of tragedy. The supposed “uncle” has to be based in Karachi as the “Karachi project” wass currently in fashion. That we are fighting shy of joint investigation with Pakistan is convenient to assert anything and say the other side is not cooperating. What harm is there in calling a mastermind “uncle”. This uncle has been deciphered to be, of course, you are right. He’s Dawood Ibrahim. The tall and study man in Pune who has been described as Mithun Chakraborty and who has handed over bombs to Nanded accused of bombing mosques in Parbhani, Purna, Jalna and also others has been called as “sir”. Within the homeland we have not been able to decipher this “sir” let alone arrest him. He must be the true mastermind based in Pune. It is no mere coincidence that a rickshaw driver was shown on a popular TV channel on the day when blasts rocked Malegaon on September 8, 2006. He carried two people who had alighted from a bus from Malegaon. They had reached Pune from Malegaon and were wondering how (the blasts) had taken place in the mid day for they were set to go off in the night when the crowd in graveyard in Malegaon would be mammoth. The rickshaw driver told the anchor that he overheard their conversation. This footage was shown in the evening as well as at night. Till today the ATS has not bothered to trace out the rickshaw driver. On the contrary, Raghuvanshi has gone on air, on radio, exhorting rickshaw drivers to help investigate the Pune blast. So it is easier to locate an uncle in Karachi and IM in Pune. Raghuvanshi personally conducted the raid and arrest of the duo in Mumbai. Then, went public with the finding. Of course, he did not say anything about la affair de amour. Thus it is facile to conceptualize terror and terrorists as former R&AW chief Vikram Sood said: “Concepts are always good but the devil is in the detail”. Our agencies are finding it easier to do it and pocket the bonanza of promotion and be cavalier with providing evidence. So much depends on a phone call! The erstwhile approve Abrar Ahmed says that SP Rajwardhan Sinha gave him the cell phone (no. 9823436801). He gave him a paper on which he had written “Mader chod, jitna bolna that tu bol chuka ab sun ham log ko jitna saman gayab karna tha kar chuke mager ham is ko gaon main nahi la sake”. “Mother fucker, whatever you wanted to say you have said, now listen whatever material we want to remove we have done it, but we could not bring it into the town.” He instructed to Abrar to have the sentence uttered from a public phone booth as the SP wanted it recorded on the phone Abrar had got from him. Abrar claims that the sentence was uttered by Hamid Hussain Javid Iqbal from Pahelwan restaurant on Kidwai road, Malegaon. But the police along with ATS and CBI maintain that the sentence was uttered by Zahid Abdul Majid who they say planted one of the bombs on September 8, 2006. As a matter of truth Zahid had led Friday prayer at Phoolsanghvi in Yawatmal district five hundred miles away from Malegaon. As compared to this the phone call the duo in Mumbai made to the “uncle” is to Karachi much longer distance and hence the need for a more cogent proof. In the Malegaon case the ATS has failed to obtain the phone transcript of 9823436801 although by the order of the Chief Assistant Secretary (Home) they were duty bound to do so. Till February 12, 2010 they had not done so. Therefore it would be in the fitness of things that in the case of three weeks of phone conversation with the “uncle” of the duo should be made public lest the stipulated period of one year given to the phone company passes and they destroy the evidence. The shooting of ATS inspector Shabbir ali Sayyad of Gujarat is another déjà vu terrorism. He was playing the role of observer in a mock rehearsal of terrorist attack at an airport in Surat. DCP Subhash Trivedi shot him twice in his stomach from a close range. Trivedi was role acting as a doctor. The popular conceptualizing of Muslims as terrorists seemed to have spawned this culture in the mind set of everyone. The Pune German Bakery blast has opened a can of canards. The trial court has sentenced Himayat Baig to death. Since then the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has submitted its report and there is hope that it would clear the name of Himayat Baig. Since this startling development Mehmud Pracha has been receiving death threat. It was he who had successfully argued that MCOCA could not be applied to the Pune German Bakery case. A fellow accused in the arms haul case Asif Bashir Khan refused to confess in to the crimes in the case. ATS under Raghuvanshi had threatened him that his wife and mother would be raped [walda and ahliya ki ismat dari ki jaye gee] and what is relevant to the case of Ali, he too would be framed in the Malegaon 2006 case. (Inquilab 9August2012) Can meek and chained human beings hold against this threat? Those who prolong the ordeals have mercenary aims and not service to the nation. Even so they get awarded. It was for this that the Tata Institute of Social Sciences at the request of the Minority Commission discovered the truth: “They (the police) depict and create conflict-like situation and then manage that in order to prove that they deserve promotion” (Indian Express 24 March 2012) Framing innocent Muslims in terror charges is thus a lucrative job. But there is an even more terrible side of this. There is a larger conspiracy going on as the so called suicide of ATS DCP Sanjay Banerjee on March 23, 2013. He had unearthed the pattern of the blast in Pune German Bakery. Was he coerced into throwing his findings in oblivion or insulted by former Commissioner of Police in Mumbai Julio Ribero who criticized Banerjee for being supported by politicians? (archive.indianexpress.com/news/ats-dcp-kills-himself-in-thane-as-wife-kids-watch/1092573) Chapter 16 The Anti Terrorism Squad (Maharashtra) and Truth Did Raj Verdhan Sinha trespass ATS Former CP of Mumbai Hassan Gafoor was castigated for not rushing to confront the terrorists. AN Roy took over operational duty without being assigned in the first place and rushed where angels fear to tread and so did Raj Verdhan Sinha during 26/11. But in other places also they intruded without authorization. The top Anti Terrorism Squad officers of Maharashtra that rushed to Pune immediately after the blast at German Bakery on 13February 2010 also rushed to conclusion that it was Indian Mujahideen behind it. There was a wrong syllogism without rhyme and reason in their inane attempt. Their rote learning in terrorism smacks of lack of critical thinking. They made the Azam campus as the breeding ground of terrorism because seven of the accused were either educated there or had lived in or visited Pune. This is in contrast of the 21 believed to be involved. Does it look plausible? Mohammad Mansoor Peerbhoy In contrast Bhonsla Military Schools at Nashik and Nagpur do not come in their criteria of breeding terrorism or training terrorists as in the case of some 500 that Lt Col Prasad Purohit and others had trained them there. Those arrested include highly educated Indian Muslims and well placed in lucrative jobs to hire apartment in a decent area. Of Apartment where Mansoor Peerbhoy lived in Pune them Mohammad Mansoor Peerbhoy was working with Google India which paid 70,000 rupees for his training in Hyderabad which incidentally included training in hacking. Unlike the training at Bhonsla: making bombs and using of arms. The others arrested along with him also were well educated and in well paid jobs. Mohammad Atiq Mohammad Iqbal alias Musab, 26, was a test engineer for Infosys. Twenty eight year old Anik Shafiq Sayyad alias Khalis was running Akmay Computer Institute in Pune. Dr Anwar Abdulgani Bagwan MBBS, 26, had graduated from BJ Medical College, Pune. Employed in primary health centre at Jogwadi paid him enough to hire flats at Ashoka Mews and at Kamaldeep Apartments along with others. Given their hefty pay packet it belies the police claim that they received IM fund and ran training in terrorism there. Wily ways of framing There are wily ways of framing innocent Muslim youths with meritorious record of educational background and excellence in job. This serves two purposes, one to malign the whole community and, two, to enmesh them in litigation where they have to cough up bribes. Their stigmatization follows a defined pattern of pillorying them from Muslim sizable pockets of well known places like Azamgarh, Bhatkal, Malegaon, Darbhanga, etc. Their places of birth also could not escape being christened as citadel of terrorists so much so that they acquired infamy of being called chota Pakistan. Thus Shahzad Ahmad was arrested from Azamgarh. The police on mere hearsay ascribed to him that he recommended the IM to target foreign tourists. Without fully investigating the ATS accepted this as truth. What is not prosecutable evidence acquired evidentiary value in the eyes of police. 1 Writing and editing official reports is another wily way of getting around the innocent accused. For example Mansoor was arrested on 28 September 2008, one day before Malegaon blast. Assistant Police Inspector Shashant Ganpatrao Shelke of ATS Vikhroli, Mumbai wrote FIR in Marathi on 12 September 2008 about the content of the IM message sent to India TV in the evening at 6.43 on 13 September 2008 he stated among the target of IM: Islam dharm wa muslimancheya virodhat aslelya ATS Mumbai—Gujarat, ASB, Gujarat police, etc. The English version of this is: The target of IM is ATS Mumbai which is against Islam and Muslims—Gujarat, ASB, Gujarat police etc.” The earlier part clearly shows that the editing is calculatedly made to prepare for the assassination of Karkare and what is remarkable even more, his colleagues Ashok Kamte and Vijay Salaskar. Karkare was not against either Muslims or Islam. The three were doomed already before they were killed. For, Karkare had come to know the truth behind 2006 bomb blasts and the role of the police in framing the innocent Muslims. That the killing of Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte by Ismail Khan and Ajmal Kasab was a foregone conclusion on 17 September 2008. The day Shelke composed the report. This is corroborated by the affidavit of the approver turned hostile witness in 2006 blasts case of Malegaon, Abrar Ahmad. Abrar wrote on 18 April 2009: guzishta do sey teen mahino key darmiyan jail men hone key bawajood mere pass Raj Verdhan [Sinha] sahib, [Subodh Kumar] Jaiswal sahib, Raman Tyagi sahib, [Krish Pal] Raghuvanshi sahib mere pass aaten hain aur mujhe dra dhamka kar kutch kagzat par mere dastakhat lena chaheten hain. “For the last three months in spite of my being in prison Raj Verdhan [Sinha] sahib, [Suboth Kumar] Jaiswal sahib, Raman Tyagi sahib, [ Krish Pal] Raghuvanshi sahib came to visit me and threatened me to sign some papers.” The period of last three months according to Abrar’s affidavit of 18 April 2009 would mean January, February, March of 2009. But entry of Sadhvi Pragya Singh [accused in 29 September 2008 blast in Malegaon] in Arthur Road jail in late October 2008 startled Abrar and in his an agnorisis or realization he discovered that Raj Verdhan Sinha had sent him to Indore, Ujjain and other places in MP where he had already met the sadhvi while he was escorted there under ATS. He was overwhelmed with remorse like Swami Asimanand that because of his [Abrar’s] accusation the remaining 8 accused in 2006 blasts in Malegaon were arrested. Abrar also records a visit of 1st September 2008 when Raj Verdhan Sinha, Subodh Kumar Jaiswal and Sachin Kadam came to him in the jail and promised to get him out of prison on bail after two and half a month. They assured him that. But the three made it clear that the new investigators with Karkare included were seized of the truth of 2006 Malegaon blats. Therefore they [Karare and his team] were going to disprove the findings of ATS when Raghuvanshi was the chief of ATS and the charges were framed against the nine innocent falsely accused in 2006 case. Read with Shashank Ganpatrao Shelke’s report on Mansoor Peerbhoy, Abrar’s affidavit points out a frightening treason in high places. Joining the dots of 1st September 2006 [ when the Hindutva terrorists reconnoitered the targets in Malegaon],1st September 2008, 28th September 2008 and 29th September 2008 prepares the sketch of the terrorists who were really behind the blasts in Maharashtra. Is the Home Minister RR Patil listening? Sinha had a phone with the number 9422250775. He had given another to Abrar for his use. Its number was 98223436809. On the consumer application form there was no signature of Abrar, at least there are three places where the consumer applicants have to sign on the form of application for connection. Sinha had given another phone to him 9821024333 in 2007. By this time the 2006 case was transferred to CBI and Sinha had not been entrusted with the investigation. So why should he give the phone to Abrar? Was it meant for snooping what the CBI was doing? BJP wants to fight terrorism as does the ATS under Raghuvanshi and Rakesh Maria. The Hindu party has never bothered about the phone numbers of Sinha and Abrar but is angry at Keneth Haywood. The American evangelist’s involvement in Ahmadabad and Delhi is history. Arresting Mansoor Peerbhoy for it and dereliction of duty in pursuing the case of the American is moral turpitude. A senior police officer of Mumbai is involved in this. BJP wants to know his name. Could he be Sinha, who also entered the Taj on 26 November 2008 without his service gun as it was not his jurisdiction? BJP spokesman Madhav Bhandar; “Haywood was one of the accused in the serial bomb blasts and was arrested by Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) but after pressured from senior police officials, he was allowed to flee the country.” Sinha was then deputy commissioner of police in charge of the foreigners! (2) However, the wiliest part of the ATS is that it has taken the country for a ride. On the pretext of Afzal Usmani’s brother waiting to meet the accused in Ahmadabad, Jaipur, Dehli blasts of 2008 case and the unexploded bombs found in Surat, the ATS kidnapped and held Afzal Usmanin in a farm house in Kasara near Thane on 20 September 2013. Then suddenly they let the world know that they had arrested him from Indo Nepal border. It was at the instance of Usmani that Mansoor Peerbhoy was arrested. September 20th of 2013 also is a feather in the cap of the ATS for having accomplished what is otherwise ignominious for the country in the eyes of the world if not in the eyes of the BJP and the Hindutva. Usmani has also revealed through a letter to judge LR Pansare of MCOCA court that Raja Thakre, the public prosecutor had assured him that he would be absolved of all allegations if he turned approver. 3This kind of promise ATS had made to Mansoor Peerbhoy too. Thakre put the ball in ATS’ court to escape the onus of reply. However the judge has given him time till 23 December 2013 to respond because the allegation of Usmani is personally against him. In another MCOCA court the investigation officer Kishan Singhal has pleaded lapse of memory and shoddy investigation for not knowing how the arms and RDX were kept in how many boxes in the Tata Sumou seized on 9 May 2006 in the Aurangabad arms haul case. In this case also Sinha played a catastrophic role in framing the innocent as far as Malegaon and Ankai areas are concerned. The third part of the seizure was Verud Temple on Chandwad-Verud road. Furthermore the cops manning the check points were in civil dress and their vehicles were unmarked and without red light on the front. Again Shingal pleaded helpless saying that there is no definite person from public or even the officer who went to the jungle in the back of the temple and arrested the accused Mohammad Amir Shakeel Ahmad. Usmani and Shinghal appeared in the courts on Thursday 12 December 2013. In the meantime the lawyer of Abu Jindal, aka Hamza, Ansari Zabiuddin Sayyad on Friday 13 December 2013 applied for bail for Zabi who had transported the arms from Pimpalgaon to the above mentioned places, on the ground that his client was not involved in it and he was framed. 4 However the court has rejected the bail and there is no word that the investigation would go any further and that the framing of charges ala German Bakery case that led to the life imprisonment pronounced upon Mirza Himayat Baig would be repeated. Such is the ubiquitous tendency to conveniently forget how such terrible explosives like RDX can fit in coputer boxes and brought into towns like Malgaeon! This is nothing but the complicity of the police in framing of innocent Muslims and Singhal is no exception. In UP the police undertook another amazing task. The UPSpecial Tast Force (UPSTF) arrested Nasir Husein of Badhapur, Bijnor, on June 19, 2007 from Rishikesh Ashram. Tortured him for two days, although he had not committed any crime. Then on June 21, declared that they had arrested him from Kharfat lodge in Charbgh locality of Lucknow and seized RDX and weapons from him. They also made the manager of the lodge as witness in the case. They accused him of plotting to blow bombs. For seven years the trial court tried the case. Then the court acquitted him in March 2014 because the manager of the Rishikesh Ashram in Utteaanchal told the court that the police had arrested him from the Ashram on June 19, 2007. However, the manager of the Kharfat lodge whom the police made witness had no registry record that Nasir had stayed there. The police also could not substantiate the other charges. 5 There are important security matters concerning the Muslim community seen in the Nasir Husein case. One, the police are directly implicating Muslims in false terror charges and are incarcerating them. They then take years in framing the same person in other subsequent bogus charges. So much of a decade of life of the innocent accused is wasted in facing impossible task proving his innocence. He is invariably poor and the trial lingers. He is very often the breadwinner and his family conditions worsen and poverty increases. Even if the Muslim community protests the Home Minister dlily dallies as the intelligence agencies are the holy cows of the demagogues like Narendra Modi and even the Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde. The largest opposition party is a Hindu party which is committed to view the IB and the police as sacrosanct. The BJP and its leaders like Arun Jaitley, a lawyer, believe that the Muslims are what the police and the investigation agencies blame them. Both being ‘holy cows’ are worthy of worship. Till today the BJP and its spokesperson Jaitley persist in believing Ishrat Jahan a terrorist and special joint director Rajendra Kumar a devoted intelligence officer. Such officers from the police, intelligence agencies and the army join BJP soon after retiring. Thus the hunt for the innocent continues. Seven years of Nasir Husein wasted in jail contrasts with seven years of contitunued service and salary of the officers who frame the innocent Muslims and promotion and retirement benefits. The family members of those killed in terrorist attacks are free to put pressure on the cour to giv death penalty but the families of the innocent are simply ignored! The judges also do not bother to ask the police to produce the RDX seized from the Kharfat lodge of Lucknow. Then what happens to the seized arms and RDX? Where do the left over explosives end up? Does the judiciary have any explanation whether the explosives are non existant or are left with the police and the intelligence agencies like IB for their further design? Acquittal of the accused in no way resolves the case and deters the police and the sleuths from further mischief. The local papers of course carry the report like that of Nasir Husein of Khalid Mujahid but the courts show no interest in them or they just say it is inadmissible proof!6 The game that investigation agencies play is murkier than one can imagaine. The IB still has the AK 56s and other weapons that the police used in the fake encounter of Ishrat Jahan. Amit Shah was the minister for home and KR Kaushik commissioner of police in Ahmadabad when the encounter took place. Even then and after two charge sheets the CBI has not named Shah and Kaushik as accused. In contrast Ishrat Jahan and Nasir Husein were both declared accused of being terrorists and the sitgma remained for years as far as the commonalty is concerned and for the Hindutva and even police and investigators (some if not all) forever. The politics of framing innocent is adjnunct to winning votes and objectifying the “other”. ------- 1. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/techie-peerbhoy-to-dr-anwar-city-s-im/579508/ 2. BJP seeks name of officer who helped Haywood Asian Age 12 December 2013. 3. www.samaylive.com www.roznamasahara.com 13-12-13 Mumbai print edition. 4. Asian Age 14 December 2013 5. Inquilab March 21, 2014. 6. “Death of a Superman” in Mass-Terror Atrocities on Muslims for Hindu Rashtra, Mustafa Khan. Even Keel:Malegaon January 2014. Chapter 17 Why Maharashtra is embroiled in terrorism? As terrorists like Sunil Joshi entered Maharashtra so did many others who played crucial role in bomb blasts in the state. One such was Rajwardhan Sinha who came to Malegaon as senior superintendant of police. Nobody and neither the present writer say that he is a terrorist. But there are two affidavits, one in the 9th May 2006 Malegaon case, the two other cases were from Ankai and Verul temple Chandwad-Aurangabad road arms seizure case of May 2006 and the other in the subsequent or a logical sequence of it, the Malegaon bomb blasts of 8 September, 2006. If proved true in a court of law, the allegations of the two would naturally put Rajwardhan behind bars. Much would depend on the fair and secular approach to crimes based on objectivity and professionalism as shown in the work of Hemant Karkare. But that will come a little later but first the land they claimed theirs before they were of it. The land was theirs before they were of the land, is a line from a poem of Robert Frost. Here it shows how the terrorists within the jail killed Qateel by showing their love for their native land, Maharashtra, and the loyalty to it that made them kill Qateel who was from UP. A dreaded dacoit Alok Bhalerao pinned down Qateel on the floor of the cell at Yarwada and his fellow accomplice and murderer of two and extortionist Sharad Mohol strangulated him. They did this because Qateel knew the real culprits who were behind the blast of Dagdu seth temple in Pune. However the duo killed Qateel and the police pass it off as killing of an antinational character. The evil deed was a example of their patriotism. The murder of Qateel Siddiqui on 8 June, 2012 in the top security Yerwada jail, the brutal attack in Arthur RoadJail on the accused in the Mumbai train blasts and the murder of Advocate Shahid Azmi, who was defending a number of terror-accused, have taken place in Maharashtra among many other similar instances. All these are related to terrorism. There is an attempt to destroy important witnesses who could expose the kind of investigation which the so-called investigation agencies were carrying on; or, lawyers who had defended the innocents whom the agencies had framed. Some of these agencies have played foul. Siddiqui was an important source of exposing the reality behind the bogey of the so-called “Indian Mujahideen”. Shahid Azmi had successfully got Fahim Ansari, accused in 26/11, acquitted in the case. He was also confident that he would prove Fahmida innocent. She was accused in the attack at the Gateway of India and Zaveri Bazar 2003. The accused in the train blasts were an embarrassment to the agencies which could not prove anything against them. The Kashmiris and the imam of the Haj House were arrested on the basis of the false accusations of a police, informer Sajid Shaikh, a Malegaon resident.[1] He told the court that he was sitting on one platform of Secunderabad railway junction and the Kashmiris were sitting on the other platform and yet he could overhear them plotting the 7/11 attack! He also accused the Haj House imam of having links with the Kashmiris. The police and their informers played havoc with innocent Muslims in the state of Maharashtra. That was repeated in the Malegaon 2006 blasts as well as the Aurangabad Arms Haul case of May 2006. Even Zabiuddin Ansari was a police informer before the police morphed him into a dreaded Lashkare-Toiba operative.[2] Naturally, there is suspicion that the hard-core Hindutva groups have spread their tentacles in the police force and could be behind several more such attacks. The reason is that their ideology against Muslims is like stagnant water pool that runs deep. Bal Thackeray, Shrikant Prasad Purohit, and extremist organisations like Abhinav Bharat, Sanatan Sanstha and others hail from Maharashtra. All these also lead to other disturbing apprehensions like the fact that some of those who attacked Cama hospital spoke Marathi fluently, that some of the calls made on the phones of the attackers of 26/11 were traced to Satara in Maharashtra. The bloody attack on the train blasts accused within the prison was on the instruction of the jail superintendent Swati Sathe. On the day the nine accused were given bail in Malegaon blasts of 2006, a prison officer told Shahid Azmi’s brother-lawyer that she [Swati Sathe] would have his son also framed in a case and have him imprisoned. Not to speak of the conspiracy behind the assassination of Hemant Karkare but coming fast forward to the present scenario in Maharashtra, what is happening now is even more a matter of reflection. There is a tussle wherein the state and the investigation agencies (some of them at least) work at variance with what they are supposed to do. They are in stark terms not taking the line of investigation that they should. One example is the 1 August, 2012 Pune blasts. The central [UPA-2] government had taken a serious note of it. The then home minister Sushilkumar Shinde had bluntly said, “We have taken Pune incident very seriously and will announce all the details once the investigation is completed.” [3]There is a hint here that the home department would take the matter to its logical end. In other words, Shinde meant to be professional and unbiased. He also wanted the agencies to be non-partisan in their work. The then Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar voiced a poignant criticism of the very casual view of the state police. He said, "It appears our intelligence gathering network is poor. This situation is unacceptable. There appears to be negligence at certain levels. If the officers are not performing, the state must take stringent action." [4] In the Pune blastsof August 1, 2012, Dyanand Patil was carrying the bomb according to the earliest reports. But soon the police started giving new and attenuating facts and implications after his arrest. First, that he picked up the box thinking it to contain cake. It is ridiculous that anyone would pick up such a box of cake from the road unless he is a hungry beggar. Then another angle that he had visited Arab countries like Jordan. Then Saakal newspaper on 3 August revealed that he had converted to Islam and that he had a “Gujarat connection.” This would mean that this convert was radical Muslim like Javid aka Pranesh Pillai aka Javed Ghulam Sheikh who was killed along with Ishrat Jahan. Pillai was from Pune and was most certainly killed for the common agenda of blaming Muslims for seeking revenge for 2002 genocide in Gujarat. Now the world knows how preposterous it is to go for Narendra Modi. Not only this, the investigation has got a new dynamic by this discovery of his conversion and the Gujarat connection. “The conversion of Patil has given a tremendous boost to investigation!”(patilani dharmaanter keleya che ughadkees aale aahe. Yamude sphotancheya tapasala gatee midali aahe.) As the newspaper put it, ‘the conversion of Patil to Islam has given a new impetus to the probe.’ Next to come was: Why did he have frequent talk on phone with his friend Ramzan Sheikh?[5] Maharashtra is the breeding ground of terrorism of the Hindu right. Excepting 1993 blasts, some of the others have distinct signature of the extremist Hindu organisations. They either explode bombs to put blame on Muslims or explode bombs to take revenge but blame the Muslims nevertheless. Furthermore, the Hindutva ideology includes burning the grounds under the Muslims so that they either convert to Hinduism or leave the country. This ideology is associated with both Savarkar and Golwalkar. Both were Maharashtrians. Their descendants have inherited the same ideology of hate for Muslims and espousal of an exclusionary nationalism. Their sympathy[z]ers are galore in the state and outside the state. But Maharashtra being the land of birth of this ideology, it is but natural that its influence would be felt even today. For example, Pius Agarwal, the son of the owner of a bicycle shop that supplied one of the cycles to explode the bomb in the graveyard and Mushawarat chowk in 2006, said on his mobile phone what his customer Shakeel Ahmad Mohammad Yusuf overheard. “Jo saman aapan log ankai ki pahadi key pas baudy men rakhe the woh sub saman raj wardhan saheb ke maujudgi me uth gaya aur jo sub naam ki list aapan diye the uske mutabik sey raj wardhan saheb sey meri ru ba ru baat chit ho gaye hai. Sab nam ki mukamal setting baith gayee hai. Sab kaam perfect hai aur aage ki jo karwai hai who aapan log beyth kar wahan programme banayen ge.” (“Whatever material we had put in the well near Ankai hill has been lifted away in the presence of Rajwardhan. And according to the list of names that we had supplied, I had talked regarding it with Rajwardhan face to face. The setting has been done exactly in accordance with the list of names. Everything is perfectly (matching). We will chalk out the future programme when we meet there.”) [6] This clearly implies that some material was deposited in a (dry) well near Ankai hill off Manmad town on the highway to Yeola. There is every possibility that this could be the RDX and arms and ammunition which was later “recovered” from the site as the ATS had claimed. In fact, two wooden boxes filled with ammunition and explosives and a CPU frame containing one AK 47 was found at Ankai. But this was part of the much larger arms haul at Aurangabad and Malegaon. If proved true, it would lead to the conclusion that people were trapped and made accused in the arms seizure (the 21 accused of which 16 were arrested by the police then and others later) were perfectly set up in the conspiracy. When carried to its logical conclusion, the so-called “Abu Jindal” or Zabiuddin Ansari as a police informer was also involved as he, according to the reports [7], led the police to this haul. But the heart of the matter is that Pius Agarwal and the SP of Malegaon Rajwardhan were allegedly a part of this act of high treason that is in other words the conspiracy for which Muslims were made to wear the cross. There is another affidavit of Abrar Ahmed, one of the accused in the bomb blasts of 2006. He was a police informer who was made an approver but later turned hostile. At the instance of Rajwardhan, he got a friend of his named Hamid Husain Iqbal Ahmed utter a given sentence from a phone to Abrar’s mobile number 9823436809. The sentence was recorded. Even Rajwadhan had recorded this sentence on his mobile number 9422250775. [8]Both the accused and the police officer made the recording, heard it again and confirmed it. The substance of the recording of the conversation is that whatever material the speaker on the phone and his associates wanted to bring into the town they had brought in. If this sentence refers to RDX as the material, it would mean that the material was used to make bombs that exploded on 8 September, 2006. The police wanted to ascribe this sentence to Mohammad Zahid Majid Ahmed. They made two CD recordings, sealed it and presented it in the court as proof of Zahid’s involvement in the blasts though on the day of the blasts he was in far-away Phoolsanghvi in Yawatmal. His brother Mohmmad Javid was arrested in the Aurangabad Arms Haul Case of May 2006. In this way the ATS yoked the two cases together. The two cases of Malegaon blasts 2006 and the arms haul 2006 would collapse in a court of law like a castle made of cards if the two affidavits are thoroughly vetted and investigated professionally and objectively. Then it will be clear whether the agents provocateur came from Pakistan or Bihar and Madhya Pardesh and who were their local supports. Notes (1) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-01-21/mumbai/28369131_1_malegaon-ats-kashmiris; http://www.milligazette.com/news/564-police-informers-waging-war-against-the-nation. (2) Indian Suspected of 26/11role once worked for India, Hindustan Times, 8 February, 2010. (3) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/centre-has-taken-serious-note-of-pune-blasts-sushilkumar-shinde/983920/0 (4) http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/sharad-pawar-slams-rr-patil-for-pune-blasts-praises-narendra-modi/articleshow/15361184.cms [(5)Saakal August 3, 2012] [6]See Shakeel Ahmed Md. Usuf’s affidavit implicating Pius Agarwal and police involvement in the Aurangabad arms haul case. [7] Indian Suspected of 26/11role once worked for India, Hindustan Times, 8 February, 2010. [8]Abrar Ahmad Momin’s affidavit of April 18, 2009. See attached below Shakeel Ahmad Md Yusuf’s affidavit Chapter 18 Framing innocent Muslims to divert attention from real terrorists The Hindutva module that was on a bombing spree in view of the planning indicated by Swami Asimanad was at large due to the framing of the nine Muslims in Malegaon blasts of September 8, 2006. Thus it struck again on September 29, 2008. The man who stopped it for the time being at least falls a victim on November 26, 2008 because he had come to know the truth of the first attack. ATS chief KP Raghuvanshi, and another senior member Subodhkumar Jaiswal and ASP Ranjwardhan Sinha had assured one of the nine accused Abrar that they would remove those [Hemant Karkare and his men] who had started changing their finding in the first attack. Then they would take him out of jail. [1]This raises the question: could not the 2008 terrorist attack have happened if the innocents were not framed in 2006? The obvious answer is that because the same group that struck Malegaon saw that they were let free or fobbed off. They forayed into terrorism again. Abhinav Bharat surfaced in the inquiry of Karkare. Had Karkare not been objective AB would still have continued its work at least circa 2006-2008. The government had initiated inquiry in the right direction by asking inspector Davidas Sonowne of Maharashtra police to inquire whether three Hindus namely Parshuram Shiva Mohtie, Balyogi Surajnath and Mahesh Patodiya had any link to 2006 attack. This inquiry was based on the logic that recent terrorist activities in Nanded(2006) , Parbhani (2003), Purna(2004), Jalna (2004) Aurangabad(2006)had revealed the role of Hindu extremists of Bajrang Dal and RSS engaged in acts of bomb making and explosion. Sonowne also asserted that inspector Awhad was instructed by DSP Mr Malegaonkar to visit Aurangabad, Nanded and Parbhani where the serious terror activities were reported. But Sonowne himself drew blank. It came as a surprise for NIA had revealed that Himanshu Panse who died while making bomb in Nanded was working closely with Mdhya Pradesh based group led by former RSS pracharak Sunil JoshiI [2]The role of the police became suspect even before this first official move. It was this that made Prime Minister Manmohan Singh remark on the sixth anniversary of Malegaon first blasts on September 8, 2012 that the “police chiefs [were] going overboard with their crackdowns.”[3] Since then many more attempts were made at confusion or obfuscating the case. The local police had also called 20 Hindus of Malegaon for questioning but released them no one knows for what reason. They had called Mahesh Patodiya in the middle of night for interrogation but a crowd of yarn merchants forced the police to release him. Furthermore a letter received by the local news paper Dinkar had warned of more such attacks unless the Muslims leave the country. It threatened the NGO Jamiutul Ulema-e-Hind not to do anything in this regard or face serious consequences.[4] Ramji Kalsangra had brought a bag with Muslim traditional caps, lungi, kurta and false beards also did not figure in any inquiry. Despite these the police heavily relied on witness no. 369 by one Atif. He was kept in custody for about a month and beaten and so he confessed that the bombs were assembled at the godown of Shabbit Masiullah. Then he was released by the police. After sometimes he came back to Malegaon from his native village in UP and went to Allahabad high court. He submitted an affidavit to the effect that his confession was bogus. Later he also went to the office of NIA and told them the truth of how the police had tortured him and forced him to give false witness. While these things are in the public domain the ATS submitted its say in the 2006 case to the MCOCA court on June 24, 2014. It requested the court to cancel the bail of the nine accused for it has strong evidence against them. The evidence includes confessional statements, forensic data of the RDX seized from Shabbir Masiulla’s godown and the bombs that exploded. There are many anomalies in the evidence of the ATS. One, that Munawar was entrusted with the task of buying two new cycles. But the sketch of the wanted two does not match with the Munawar and others who are bearded. They match the regular youths of different religion than Islam. Their mustache or clean shave is remarkable. The police claim that Munawar gave the cycles to Zahid Abdul Majid, Ishtiyaq and Abrar. Zahid was five hundred kilometers away in Phoolsnaghvi, Yawatmal at the time of explosion. Nay, he was leading Friday prayer at that time on Friday September 8, 2006. Ishtiyaq’s name frequently appears in the ATS say. He is declared an offender and wanted in the arms haul case of May 2006 also. Abrar’s name figures on page 9. Interestingly on November 4, 2011 Indian Express carried a report from Mumbai which said that Abrar had planted one bomb for money and the other Muslim planter was dead. This second Muslim is most probably Azhar who killed himself according to the police but his son maintains that the police killed him. The earliest example of Malegaon 2006 of police framing an innocent to hide the real terrorists was of September 12, 2006 when when local police whisked away Irfan Ahmad Akeel Ahmad. They took him to a dark place and in the search light of their vehicle they tortured him. They told him to confess his involvement in the Friday September 8 blasts in Malegaon. He refused. Then they brought two beggars, one of whom was crippled in both legs who said that Irfan had deposited his chappal foot ware on the day of the blasts. Irfan denied it. Then the police changed their tactic and offered him five lakh rupees if he falsely accused others. He refused again. He submitted these details in his affidavit on September 9, 2006.[5] Ground breaking news came with the arrest of Rajendra Chowdhary on December 15, 2012 and of Manohar Kumar on December 29 and Dhan Singh on December 17, 2012. Amit @Prince@Ashwani Chauhan. Rajendra Singh had planted the bomb at Mushawarat chowk where Azhar stopped him and recognized him. Rajendra passed the information to another cell which killed Azhar. [6] Another instance of Hamid Hussein Iqbal Javid illustrates that Abrar could have been used by the police and also RSS leader Indresh Kumar’s Muslim Rashtriya Manch. Abrar was in touch with a local RSS pracharak and enjoyed largess during junketship, his in laws pocketed generous doling to the tune of more than 25 lakh. Abrar used Hamid Hussein to use a public phone booth to incriminate in the crime of bringing RDX into the town. [7] Abrar was in contact with a local RSS pracharak as an intermediary to get access to Sunil Joshi, Ramchandra Kalsangar and Sandeep Dang. These three were most crucial in bombing Malegaon. Even more startling is that Abrar had visited Shabri Dham Ashram in Dangs district prior to the blasts.[8] This proximity to Swami Asimanand’s headquarters is ominous and could be the clinching evidence. Both the Muslim acolytes of the Sangh parivar were hit by lack of money and maladies and deadly disease. Around Diwali Sunil Joshi had gone to Dangs and told Asimanand that his module had used two Muslims. Using Muslims cannot be stretched too far. On page 5 of the ATS say to MCOCA court it has this strange claim that Riyaz Arsalan@Raju had given a bag containing bombs to Raees Mansoori who hung it at the gate of the graveyard where more than 30 were killed. The aim was to cause Hindu-Muslim riots. They failed to produce a riot and therefore Dr Fagor Mugdumi called a meeting on September 12 and instructed them to place another bomb at the mixed population area of Mohammadiya madrasa. It failed to go off on September 13. Why should Muslims crave to cause communal riots is perhaps the biggest lie the police wanted to foist upon the whole matter! [1]See Abrar Ahmad’s affidavit submitted to MOCOCA court April 2009.e-worryin-pm/article-926 [2] “Malegaon explosions probe caught in a maze” Rajesh Ahuja, Hindustan Times New Deli, June 6, 2013 [3]http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/newdelhi/use-of-social-media-to-inflame-hate-worryin-pm/article-926421.aspx [4]See the facsimile of the threatening letter of RSS [5]See Irfan’s affidavit. [6]http://www.indianexpress.comnews/maleagon-man-ran-into-bomber-before-blasts-soon-he-was-dead/1057854? [8]http://www.indianexpress.com/one-of-nine muslims-arrested-for-Malegaon-had-planted-bombs-for-hinud-extremists-say-nia/870531/10 November 14, 2011. [There are two affidavits. In one Irfan gave in writing how the police kidnapped him and beat him terribly and wanted to force him to confess that he had planted the bombs in graveyard mosque. When he refused they offered him 5 lakh rupees. On September 12, 2006 he submitted the affidavit. In the second Hamid says that he spoke to Abrar a sentence to the effect that he brought RDX in the city. This is very serious because it relates to two cases: Aurangabad-Malegaon-Ankai arms haul and also the blasts on September 8 2006.Both of them have clearly blamed the police for the proactive role in framing them. There is a warning from RSS in the devnagri which means that Muslims have no place in India as it is a Hindu Rashtra and RSS will make it so one day. The letter also says that they have given proof of their intent the same day by blasting bombs and more would follow. It also threatens Jamiatul Ulemai Hind not to be smart.] Chapter 19 Vaidik-Saeed phenomenon More than who killed, who masterminded assassination of Karkare is important Mustafa Khan There is something that doesn’t love a wall between human beings. But also true is that some people do not like some other people by their ideology hence wall is necessary. This is true about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh as far as the latter half of the truth of the sentence goes. Or the opposite poles attract. The RSS did not like LK Advani for praising Mohammad Ali Jinnah as secular. The people tainted with this ideology be they judges in India, public prosecutors like Ujwala Nikam and investigators like KP Raguvanshi or Mohan Bhagwat, etc follow suit. Truth also defies ideology and truth seekers like Ved Pratap Vaidik, too, don’t shirk from encountering truth. Some of the findings of Vaidik are more surprising than the question: Who killed Karkare? If Hafiz Saeed did not master mind 26/11 then it was not Ismail Khan or Ajmal Kasab who did it? No sooner had Vaidik met Saeed than the commissioner of Information Commission of Maharashtra came out with a startling reprimand to the police commissioner of Mumbai Rakesh Maria on the matter of 26/11: “Prima facie, misleading information has been given in this case. There has been a malafide denial of information, information has been destroyed and obstacles have been created in presenting the information. The Commission agrees with all these issues brought forth by the complainant” [Mrs. Vinita Kamte, wife of slain Ashok Kamte killed with Hemant Karkare]. “As per a letter dated April 2009, Rakesh Maria, the then joint police commissioner (Crime), had denied information (to Vinita Kamte) under Section 8 (1) (G) of the RTI Act 2005. It is very irresponsible and gives reason for suspicion on whether he was trying to hide something. In view of the nature of the incident and its seriousness, if an impartial inquiry is not done, the public or Vinita Kamte will never get to know the truth.” [1] The uproar in the Indian parliament over the issue of the visit has churned up protests from BJP members and also the Congress party. The eagerness shown by the Congress for political correctness and fear of Hindu bogey of backlash reveals its shallowness. Like Vajpayee government it also automatically jumped on the US bandwagon on war on terrorism. Till today it has not shown honesty in pursuing the case of the innocent Muslims trapped in bogus charges of terrorism complemented by Indian courts to a great extent. Indian courts have rushed to judgment in hanging some who were used as informers of Special Task Force of the Delhi police or of Jammu and Kashmir police or the Maharashtra ATS. As the Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief observes that “The row in the Indian Parliament over a journalist's meeting with us shows the extremism, narrow mindedness of their politicians. Utterly Shameful.” [2] He showed his anathema to “such politics & protests.” Therefore it is time to know well what such politics and protests are. Vaidik’s dislike of national security advisor Ajit Doval may not surprise many who know his past as head of CBI. His advice of first kill and then inquire speaks volumes on the matter. This was woven into the nightmare of the Batla encounter as well as 26/11. In the fateful night of November 26, 2008 commissioner of police Hasan Gafoor had rightly required the service of ACP Ahok Kamte of East Region to reach South Region and report him at Trident hotel. Gafoor had made his car as his control centre while the police control room [ aka Control] was under the charge of Rakesh Maria. Gafoor asked Ashok Kamte ACP of East Region to come to him. The police log recorded it thus but Kamte was instructed otherwise: “23 hrs, 33 mins: Main Control to East region: Firing going on at Cama Hospital and you are to come there. East Region WT (WalkieTalkie)to Main Control :(Ashok’s operator answers) East Region Sir has reached Cama Hospital five minutes back. Control: Noted.” It implies that Ashok had reached the Rang Bhavan lane while action was taking place. He took his AK 47 and fired at Kasab and Ismail injuring the former in the hands. Afterwards when Vinita Kamte asked Maria about the time of the action that led to sudden death of her husband he replied it was 11.50. How could this be possible because Kamte made a call to his gun man Jayvant Patil at 11:58. Therefore Maria misguided Vanita by putting the incident of death early by half an hour when her husband was still alive. More ominous is that the firing from the roof of the Cama hospital. The terrorists in the hospital were speaking fluent Marathi and spared a Hindu employee as they were discerning the religion of the inmates there. Furthermore why should they climb up and come down the stories of the hospital if they were in search of greater number of people for killing? If they wanted they could have killed all the patients. Hemant Karkare and others bore wound as they were shot from above. Vinita also remarks that there was no reinforcement sent to the ATS chief and his men despite his repeated and clear request for it. Almost an hour had passed when the support came although when the officers and constables in the car were attacked another police van came fast and past it and after sometimes it returned with the same speed and did not stop at the doomed vehicle. It would have taken just 2 minutes for reinforcement to come and yet it did not for an hour! [3] No help came to the three officers who were killed for more than 40 minutes speaks volumes regarding the conspiracy. The only vehicle that came and sped past twice was at 00hrs09mins when the Control (Maria) instructed it to come to the middle road which is the Rang Bhavan road where the three officers along with their constables were gunned down. ACP East Region car was also attacked at the Dog house near SB office and yet this was ignored by the Control altogether. At 00hrs33mins the Azad Maidan police informed the Control about Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte lying on the road no notice was taken of it and no help was sent there. Another call at 00hrs40mins informed Control that the injured officers were lying there and that it, Kamte’s East Region car attacked. Again it was ignored. It was dereliction of duty and the Control knew the fate of those officers. Next call was at 00hrs49mins from Peter LT Marg LTMarg Mobile and Abel Pydhonie to the Control that they were taking the injured officers to GT Hospital. Thus no help was sent between 23hrs24mins to 00hrs49mins. At 00hrs56mins Commissioner of Police Gafoor asked Maria about Karkare and the others injured. Maria hemming and hawing is a tale-tale: “Sir..Sir..he..he..Hemant was, Sir, at the CST Railway Station , Sir, I will find out the location and tell him to get in touch with you right away, Sir.” This clinches the lie of Maria since he was given Karkare’s location at Cama hospital at 11hrs24mins, 11hrs27mins, 11hrs28mins and 11hrs58mins. This could not have been managed by Saeed sitting in another country. Vinita raised very important questions when the home minster of Maharashtra RR Patil and DGP police AN Roy came to visit the widow in the aftermath of the deaths. “There are police officers who, due to political affiliations, are not been posted out of Mumbai for 10-20 years. They carry on there with impunity. My husband did not believe in sycophancy and accepted with grace any posting or any situation that you put him through. He didn’t complain when during these four months as Additional Commissioner, East Region, you sent him to other regions to handle sensitive situations and despite that, stole away credit from him.” Why? Her second question was even more acerbic: “While officers of the South Region [Viswas Nangre Patil and Rajwardhan Sinha in charge of Special Bureau at Rangbhavan lane]who shied away from the scene are not being questioned, why are these brave officers who cannot speak for themselves are being portrayed as those ‘who did not comprehend the situation?” [p25-26] What she said of police officers shying away from work can be seen in the case of Viswas Nagare Patil who along with Rajwardhan Sinha had warned the hotels of the possibility of attack of fidayeen coming by the sea. He warned even the Taj Mahal hotel staff and surprisingly went on leave when the attack came. Karkare and others who rushed to the scene were blamed for not understanding serious situation and like the adage rushed in where angels fear to tread! Were Patil and Sinha in the loop of the conspiracy of pending attack? If yes, was the conspiracy prepared and planned on the Indian soil, as well? If the government of India was aware of the ‘valor’ shown by Patil and Sinha why did it not immediately award them for their bravery rather than wait for such a long time as nearly five years, at last in the case of Sinha? How could the government have inadequate information when the world media was focused on the action scene! Birds of the same feather flock together When Patil was seized of the more than 25 warnings regarding Trident-Oberoi and Taj Mahal hotels as targets of impending terror attacks then why did not joint director of IB Prabhakar Alok send such serious warnings to the Bombay police and the government of Maharashtra? Why did Patil enjoy privileged status? [4] The RSS has uninhibitedly rushed to justify Vaidik-Saeed visit. MG Vaidya as an ideologue remarked that there was ‘nothing wrong’ in it. But the crowning irony came from Indresh Kumar who is directly or indirectly or even remotely linked to terrorism. He had advised the Sunil Joshi module to hide in temple after deeds of terror. Of course, they did as Rajendra Chowdhar and Dhan Singh accused in Malegaon attack were arrested from temples acting as priests at the time of their arrest, not to speak of Swami Asimanand arrested from a temple of Hardwar after years of absconding. Kumar certified that Vaidik was a “nationalist cultural person”, perhaps an ideal example of “cultural nationalism” which excludes Muslims from the Hindutva followers. [5]Bonding of extremists is a natural phenomenon. There is another flocking of the birds of the same feather. It is an axis of Bal Thackeray-Sharad Pawar and the police and army under their aegis. In 1992-93 the defense minister and his crony had close relation. When Madhuar Saroptdar was arrested by the army with arms he was supplying to Shiv Sena activists killing Muslims, he was immediately set free. The chief minister Madhukar Naik had asked the central government to remove the defense minister Pawar from Bombay. From December 6, 1992 to March 13, 1993 Muslims were falling victim to Shiv Sena and police assault. In this manslaughter Dawood Ibrahim family also prominently figured. The gangster used his muscle power and sea link and organized the first bomb attack in India. This might have been the only option to stay put the elimination of the minority. The man who cracked the bomb case by accident was Rakesh Maria. He may be called the primordial maker of the myth that Muslims start violence in the name of religion and therefore the theory that only they are the terrorists, this despite the fact that in the first week of January 1993 it was Bal Thackeray who exhorted his militia known as Shiv Sena to kill ‘landyas’ an expletive for the Muslims. The Muslims of the metropolis were pushed to the wall even then Maria saw in it as a religious war. Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott Clark: “Maria had quickly spotted linkages, defining the blasts as one interconnected attempt to kick start a religious war.” [6] Interconnected yes, it was the extremists predominantly the Shiv Sena cadres who had taken part in demolition of the mosque in Ayodhya and they had played greater role in the mass killing of Muslims in Mumbai. Bombing came a last resort to the gangster’s family. There was no movement among the Muslims to start a religious war. They were made victims of the violence surrounding their mosque being demolished and the juggernaut for building temple started by LK Advani and Narendra Modi in the earlier years. But Maria played proactive role in 26/11. He wanted to rush to Ajmal Kasab to take charge of him. AN Roy took over the operational duty which rested with the commissioner of police. Maria would have even killed Kasab because he was ‘incandescent’ at Gafoor stopping him since it was not his job but the assistant commissioner in charge of law and order, ACP Tanaji Ghadge. Miffed by the commissioner Maria sent a DCP to shadow Ghadge, nevertheless. He has many more such in his record, why this itch? When Patil was aware of the attacks he did not know what to do and sought advice of his batch mate Sinha of 1997 Police Service examination. Sinha had already acquired notoriety of handing 2001 riots in Malegaon and the first bomb attacks there in 2006 and also the notorious arms haul of May 2006. In all these his role in framing innocent Muslims is decidedly questionable and venal. During this period it was KP Raghuvanshi as boss of ATS. In August 2008 there was change of guard. Hemant Karkare assumed charge of the head of ATS. He brought in a chemistry of change in investigation for which he paid with his life. So Vinita Kamte’s sycophants and professionals crisscrossed when RR Patil and Raghuvanshi were restored their offices. As a consequence of all this it is clear that there were and perhaps still are two groups of policemen. And because of this schism it will remain unclear that fisherwoman Anita Rajendra Udaiya saw 6 terrorists getting out of the boat at Mahatma Phule Nagar, Budhwar park, Cuff parade. She later identified only those 6 among the ten killed when she was shown the bodies at the morgue. She had not seen Kasab whom the judges rushed to hang. She must have learned the Americans how to count properly. If 16 Pakistanis had landed in India for the 26/11 attack and 10 were killed where are the remaining 6? If 16 Pakistanis had come by sea and six were killed where are the other 10? Where is the Phoenix who can solve this puzzle that Gafoor put forth on February 13, 2009 where is the Oedipus who can solve the puzzle? [1] http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/2611-info-panel-tears-into-maria-is-he-trying-to-hide-something/ [2] [Zee news July 15, 2014. [3]Vinita Kamte. To the Last Bullet. Pune Ameya prakashan. 2009. [4]Indian Express Mumbai edition December 16, 26, December 2008. [5]Asian Age July 17, 2014 [6]Andrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark. The Siege: the attack on the Taj. Penguin India (2013) pp 82. --- 20-7-14 Index Abdul Karim Tunda 31 Abhinav Bharat 28, 31, 32, 33, 34,46, 48, 61, 81, Abdul Latif Bhatti 67 Abdul Samad 79 Abrar Ahmad 12, 13, 20, 47, 48-59 , 88, 94, 95, Advani, LK 5, 42, Agarwal, Pius 62 Aggressive Hindutva Terrorism and Malegaon 50 Ajmal Kasab 14, 15 Amir Bhai 60, 64, Aniq Shafiq 93 Ankai 46, 59, 63 Ansari, Dr Mateen 36 Anti Terrorist Squad 39.80 Anzar Plaza 82 ,Apte, Narayan 7 Aseemanand, Swami 6, 33, 38, Atif 82 Aurangabad Arms Haul 22, 59, 97 Azamgarh 93 Azamgarh Brigade 83 Babu Bajrangi 31, 42, 86 Bagwan, Dr Anwar 93 Bajrang Dal 9, 12, 34, 64, Banerjee, Sanjay 90 Bhalerao, Alok 37, 38, Bareilly 16, Bhatkal 93 Bhatkal, Yaseen 79 Bharatbhai Riteshwar 33 Bhat, Sanjiv 45Bilal Ahmad 60 BJP 39, 40 Bharadwaj 82 Bhat, Sanjiv 33 Bharti Airtel 8 Bhatkal 81, 83 Bhatkal, Riyaz 84 Bhatkal, Yaseen 36 Chabbad House/Nariman House 76 Chakaravorti, K DGP 44Chhara 42 Chidambrum, P 85 Dange, Sundeep 6, 33, Darbhanga 93 Dariapur 44 Dawood Ibrahim 82, 87 déjà vu terrorism 86, 89 Delhi blast 71 Dey, Major Bhagirath 65 Dharma 2 meanings 41, Diama, Inspector 21, Discrimination based on religion as dynamic of arrest 5, Duraphe, Inspector 20 Extraordinary rendition 32,83 Fahim Ansari 5-15, 18, 30, 83, Fakir Ahmad Mohammad Ali 67, 68 Faruque Verdha 49, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 18, 19, Frank Raj 78 Gandhi, Mahatma 6 Ganesh immersion 21 Gavriel, Rabi 76 Geelani, Prof Sayyed Abdul Rehman 20 German Bakery 89 Godhra 32, Godse, Nathuram 7, Google 71, 92 Gupta, Dwendra 6 Guru Gobind 41 Gurumurthy, S 41 Hamid Husein Md Iqbal 88 Hasan Gafoor 19, Haywood, Kenneth 96 Headley, David Coleman 18, 19, 20, 38, 84 Himani Savarkar 6, 34, 69 Himayat Baig 97 Hindutva experiment 40, Hindutva pracharaks 6 Hindutva Diaspora 78 Hindutva terrorism 7 Hitler, Adolf 32 Huntington, Samuel 5, Hyderabad 71 IB 80 Identity parade 46Ishrat Jahan 18, 51, 99, 100 Iqbal Bhatkal 71 Ismail Khan 14, 15, Israel 31 Jai Gurudev Sewa 7 Jaiswal, Subodh Kumar 12, 19, 20, 49, 51, 94 Jamal 67 Jaitley, Arun 99, Jamaiatul Ulema Hind 71 Javed Mozawala 66-69 Jethmalani, Ram 40 Jihadi terrorism 30, 34, Joshi, Sunil 6, Julio Ribero, CP 90 Kumar, Rajendra 6, 99, 100 Kadam, Sachin 12, 49, Kadam, Mahesh 49 Kamte, Ashok 93 Karan Thapar 30 Karachi party 87 Karkare, Hemant 9, 12, 13, 17-21, 54, 71. 80, 93, Khalid Mujahid 99 Kauser 44, Kaushik, PC KR 44 Khan, Asif Bashir 8, 45, 61,89, Khaitan, Ashish 12, 13, 69, Khwaja Yunus 36, 55, 66, Kisan Singhal 97 Kissinger, H 31 Kumar, Indresh 32, 65, Kumar, Rajendra 38, 51, Kumbhare, SP Anil 21, 63 Kurla 21 LeT 14 List of favoured cops of Modi 43 Lucknow 16 Madhav Bhandar 96 Maghdumi, Dr Farogh 21, 51 Malegaon 9, 11, 20, 21, 25, 29, 55, 63, 65, 70, 81, 87, 93 Malegaonkar, Inspector 23 Mangalore 71 Mansoor Peerbhoy 92-97 Maoists 6 Margao 81 Maya Kodnani 42 Maehmud Pracha 78, 89 Mehta, Tushar 41 Mirza Himayat Baig 30 Mithun Chakrwarthy 87 Modi, Narendra 6, 32, 33, 34, 40, 42-44, 99 Mohammad Ahmad 79 Mohammad Ali 8-10, Mohammad Ali Shaikh 9, 10, Mohammad Atiq 93 Mohammad Javed Abdul Majid 24, Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid 24 Mohol, Sharad 37, 38 Muddasir 25 Mufti Ismail 65 Mujaffar 64 Muzammil Akhtar 36, 46, 53-58, 68 Naik, CM Sudhakar 11 Nanded 7,87 Narayanan, Ashok 44 Naroda Patia 42, Nasir Husein 98-99. Nazi 32 Nihal Ahmad 52 Nikam, Ujjawal 15 9/11 30 Noorulhodha 20-23 Optional Protocol 24 Panchpore, Col Vinay 65 Pande, PC 42 Pandey, Dyanand 70, Pandy, PP 33, 43, Pandya, Haren 6, 45 Pasricha, Dr PS 51 Patel, Jaideep 42 Patil, Abhimanyu 49 Patil, RR 18, Peerbhoy, Mohammad Mansoor 70-72 Pragyasingh Thakur, Sadhvi 29, 33, 48, 68, 95 Prajapati, Tulsiram 44 Pasricha, DGP Dr PS 11, 12, Patil Gond 8 Patodiya, Mahes 51 Pawar, Sharad 11, 12, Phoolsanghvi Yawatmal 25, 88 Pune German Bakery 11, 35, 71, 81 Punnyanagri 11 Purohit, Lt Col Prasad 6, 31, 32, 34, 48, 50, 64, 65, 68, 83 Raghuvanshi, KP 12, 13, 17-19, 33, 49, 50-52, 81, 86-89, 96 Ramsingh Kalsangra 6, 7, 29, 33 Rakesh Maria 19, 36, 54 Rao, PM Narsimha 11 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sungh {RSS}6, 7, 41,85 Rehan 86 Rivaka 76 Rizwan Rehman Rizwan Khan 86, 87 Roy, Arundhati 13 Sabauddin Ahmad 8, 14, 83 Sadiq Jamal Mahtar 44, Sajid 82 Salaskar, Smita 83 Salaskar, Vijay 9, 21, 93 Salman Ahmad Chhotu 80, 82, 84, 85 Salman Farsi, Dr 51 Sanathan Sansthan 81 Sangh Parivar 71 Santosh cycle 62 Saroptdar, Madhukar 11, Sathe, Swati 8 Sayyad, Shabbir Ali 89 7/11 11, Shabri Dham 33 Shah, Amit 6, 40, 42, 100 Shahid Azmi 18, 20, 37, Shaike Rashid 63 Shakeel Ahmad 66 Shankar Shelke 64 Shashikant 46 Shakeel Ahmad 36 Shakeel Moinudden Sheikh 63, Sharif, Dr, 60, 65, Sheikh, Sadiqu 13 Sheikh, Ataur Rehman 8 Shinde, YD 50 SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India) 12, 25, 30, 31, Siddiquy, Ehtesham 8, 9, 11-13, Siddiquy, Qateel 35-39, Singh, Digvijay 83 Singh, Rajbir 82 Singhal, Ashok 40 Sinha, Rajwardhan 13, 21, 48, 50, 60-63.88, 90-97 Sohrabuddin Shaikh 40 Sreekumar RB 33, 34, 43, Strobe Talbott 76 Swett, Katrina Lantros 33 Tahiliyani, Justice ML 19, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) 89 Thackeray, Bal 6, 11, Thakre, Raja 9, 97 The God of Small Things 13 Thomas, Inspector 13 Tigers of Karnataka 64 Todi, Priyanka 86 Togadia, Parveen 33, 42, Torture in Rampur jail 16 Triwedei subhash 89 Uma Bharti81 Umarji, Maulana 32 Upadhay, sudhakar 83 Usmani Afzal 96 Vajpayee, PM AB 5, 25, 30, Vanzara, DG 40, 41-45 Varahadpande, Prof 6 Vaze, Sachin 36, 54, Venkatesh Takataki (Parveen Mutalik) 64 Verma, Satish 33 Vikram Sood 88 Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) 40 Wadood, Dr 57, 58 Wadse, Devendra Kumar 7 Yakub Menon 31 Yaseen Bhatkal 37-38 Yasmeen 4, 16, 19, 20, Yervada jail 37, 38, Zabiuddin 31, 62, 64, 65, 97 Zahid Abdul Majid 88 Zahid Patni 56,62, 63 Zakia Jafri 43 By the same author Aggresstive Hindutva Terror and Malegaon First Hindutva Genocide of Muslims and its Architect Decade of the Demagogue and His Demagoguery Mass-Terror Atrocities on Muslims for a Hindu Rashtra Premeditated Framing of Innocent Muslims in False Terror Charges Ishrat Jahan: Sacrificed at the Altar of Hidnutva Moloch Muzaffarnagar

Premeditated Framing of Innocent Muslims in False Terror Charges Mustafa Khan Even Keel Malegaon March 20, 2014 Mustafakhan1948@gmail.com 9960225763 9028225763 Kutch yad unheyn bhi karlo, jo laut key ghar na aaye/ tum bhool na jao unko is liye kahi yeh kahani [remember something of them who did not return home/lest you forget them( and some others) their tale is narrated here. ] Contents Introduction Chapter 1 Ehtesham Kutubuddin Siddiquy Accused No 4 Chapter 2 Fahim Arshad Ansari Aquitted with a Serious Trail of Deliberation Chapter 3 Six years of willful criminal attempt to frame an indigent Muslim youth: Noorulhodha Chapter 4 The Classic Case of Deliberate Arrest of two Brothers Chapter 5 Abhinav Bharat: not banning a step into the dark abyss Chapter 6 Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy Chapter 7 Hindutva Skylabab of Gujarat Chapter 8 Asif Bashir Khan Chapter 9 Abrar Ahmad Conundrum of Malegaon September 2006 Chapter 10 “From the day of my Arrest… Chapter 11 Because they were Muslims they were framed Chapter 12 Of Javed Mozawala Chapter 13 Deconstructing the Confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy Chapter 14 Will framing of innocent Muslims in terror charges ever end? Chapter 15 The imbroglio that is Batla House, Bhatkal town, and Pune German Bakery blasts… Chapter 16 The Anti Terrorism Squad (Maharashtra) and Truth Did Raj Verdhan Sinha trespass ATS Chapter 17 Why Maharashtra is embroiled in terrorism Chapter 18 Framing innocent Muslims to divert attention from real terrorists Chapter 19 More than who killed, who masterminded assassination of Karkare is important Index Introduction Premeditated framing of innocent Muslims was a ubiquitous phenomenon that did no good to India. India jumped on the bandwagon of war on terrorism led by the US when our government was in the hands of a right wing Hindutva party and its allies. PM AB Vajpayee and his deputy LK Advani had subscribed to the nefarious theory of Samuel Huntington. Such was the weltanschauung of 9/11that Muslims were blamed for terrorism. The government in Delhi toed the line “either you are with us against us.” The hunting of the innocent Muslims and framing them in serious charges shows how utterly helpless the minority community was at the onslaught upon them when its well educated youths were snatched away from their poor families and dumped in dungeons across India. The police also practiced extraordinary renditions of keeping the youths in unknown locations and torturing them before resurfacing and bringing them to court for bogus confession. Fahim Ansari is one of uncountable instances of this. It can never be too late to reclaim our democratic commitment and secularism enshrined in the Constitution. The first step in this direction is to account for in how many cases and how many innocents who had to pay with their youthful working hours as only breadwinners of their families languished in prisons. As preeminently the accused came from Muslim minority their wrongful arrest and incarceration created disaffection of a sizable section of Indian society which ought to have weighed on the law enforcement authorities including the police and the investigative agencies and even the judiciary. But it did not. Hence their guilt is cardinal. Having stated this it is equally true of thousands others non Muslims imprisoned, many of them may be innocent. But they do not have discrimination based on religion as the dynamic of arrest. The two cases are not identical. Therefore the discrimination of religion is communalism a far more serious threat. Blaming one as terrorists and the others as strayed does require introspection. Bal Thackeray vociferously asked the Maoists to train Hindutva suicide squad against the Muslims for his own self styled terror for terror and Aseemanand’s and Himani Savarkar’. Another dimension is playing politics as Narendra Modi and Amit Shah played in Gujarat in flagrant violation of the law of the land. They in collusion with the ace agency Intelligence Bureau special director Rajendra Kumar blamed innocent Muslims like Ishrat Jahan as terrorists and liquidated them using guns from the arsenal of the agency and the police as did Lt Col Prasad Purohit in the case of the Naga rebel leader in Delhi sourcing weapons and RDX from the army. Planting government purchased arms on innocent Muslims as terrorists to win election in Gujarat has come home to roost. It has driven the judiciary almost to the edge of dysfunctional. A mufti is spirited away to Pakistan because he was the one who was behind Modi’s rival Haren Pandya assassination and more than ten Muslims had to languish more than eight years in jail. All this in the name of religion! More than four years after acquittal of Fahim Ansari and Sabauddin Ahmad in the 26/11 case there is no progress in the Rampur CRPF camp attack case in which they have been enmeshed. They will have lost their whole youth before they get justice! What price innocents pay for being innocent! Most of the bomb attacks of the first decade of twenty first century were mounted by the Hindutva pracharaks or RSS heads of their units at state or district level. Dwender Gupta, Sunil Joshi, Narendra Modi, Sandeep Dange, Ramji Kalsangra have all been RSS pracharaks. Since the days of the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi the multiheaded hydera that is RSS has grown enormously in power and influence as well as in use of more deadly weapons of mass casualties. According to Indian Express dated February 6, 1948 Prof Varahadpande of City College in Nagpur was arrested. Another professor of science of the same college disappeared because he had foretold his students on January 29, 1948 that Gandhiji would be assassinated. RSS leader of Nagpur had presented Nathuram Godse with a gun to kill Gandhiji. There was also a send off party given by the Marathi paper editor who had presented the weapon. In Benares on the same day February 6, 1984 Devendra Kumar Wadse was arrested at Mirzapur where he had surrendered and then he was brought to Benares and sent to Lucknow for his involvement in the conspiracy. This was the spread and strength of RSS then which also included Bombay where VD Savarkar handed over tickets to Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte to fly to Delhi. It is also a fact that Godse was circumcised in JJ Hospital so that the suspicion would fall on the Muslims for the assassination. Bringing fast and forward to 2006 those who were killed and injure in Nanded blast were RSS activists. Another group of the same was behind the blasts in Malegaon for which Muslims were blamed and incarcerated. Ramji Kalsangra had Muslim skull caps and kurta or tunic and lungi brought to the town so that the suspicion would fall on the Muslims. The same was replayed on March 9, 2014 when four persons in a Scorpio belonging to Jai Gurudev Sewa dressed as Muslims at least one of them were exhorting people to shun beef at Netoli chowk Kalyan. The local Muslims questioned them how could theybe asking people not to eat meat and be Muslims. Someone broke the glass windows. Inspector Vijay Bhise of Mahatma Phule police station called it “misunderstanding.” But the local people including the imam of Jama masjid Maulana Mohammad Idris said that the people in the car were wearing Islamic dress and had beards. Each such case has a common design with varying situation and different actors. Chapter 1 Ehtesham Kutubuddin Siddiquy, Accused No 4 Case: 7/11 Mumbai local train attack MCOCA Special Case No.21/2006 Case: Fake encounter Wadala August 22, 2006 Police obstructing justice and destroying evidence and thieving There are two cases in which Ehtesham K Siddiquy is trapped. One is the serial bomb blasts in local trains in Mumbai on July 11, 2006 where he along with Asif Bashir Khan alias Junaid alias Abdulla and Mohammad Faisal Ataur Rehman Shaikh is accused of planting bombs. But on April 25, 2013 Bharti Airtel officer appeared in the court with phone records that showed that he was not at the site of the blasts. (1)The three were either at their work place or at home. Ehtesham was at Mira Road the whole day on 7/11. The other case is that he is a witness to a fake encounter that took place in Wadala, Mumbai, where the police killed one Mohammad Ali believed to be a Pakistani on August 22, 2006. Ehteshan had seen him in Kala Chowki office of ATS. (2) On August 3, 2013 the jail authorities of Arthur Road took Ehtesham Siddiquy to Kurla court. In his absence the current Superintendent Gond Patil, former Superintendent Swati Sathe currently Additional Director General of Police Maharashtra and ATS officer entered the barracks. They searched Ehtesham’s belongings and spread his papers, then picked up a file, his daily journal and items of everyday use. As they were doing it a fellow accused in the same case Sajid Ansari and other inmates objected to them Patil said that he would return them soon. On his return from Kurla court Ehtesham filed a complaint in the MCOCA court, to the police station at NM Joshi Marg and to the chief secretary of Home department complaining disappearance of important documents including the charge sheet on the fake encounter. He was preparing his defense in the continuing trial in court of the case of the fake encounter of Mohammad Ali, a Pakistani. Ehtesham had seen the Pakistani Mohammad Ali in Kala Chowki headquarters of Anti Terrorism Squad of Maharashtra. Subsequently Mohammad Ali was killed in the fake encounter on August 22, 2006 in Wadala, Mumbai. Ehtesham appealed to the MCOCA court to order inquiry in the case and requested the court to recover his documents including the charge sheet in the fake encounter on which he was preparing his argument. He requested the NM Joshi marg police station to register a case of theft and conspiracy against the jail authorities. Furthermore he appealed to the principal secretary of Home department to stop the jail authorities from entering his barrack in his absence and searching his belongings. In the court the government prosecutor Raja Thakre argued that Ehtesham should complain against the jail authorities and not against the prosecution. In the fake encounter case he had prepared some points in defense argument for his sake when he would be presented in the court. He now complains that the jail authorities have hatched a conspiracy and taken away his papers to show to the prosecution how to prepare to counter his argument and thus weaken the defense case. He had meticulously prepared point by point how to defend his argument that he had seen the Pakistani Mohammad Ali whom the ATS were questioning before they killed him in the fake encounter on August 22, 2006. Points to note On September 8, 2006 four bombs exploded in Malegaon. At that precise time there was a man called Mohammad Ali Shaikh present in the Kurla ATS office. The news channel showed the scenes of explosions in Malegaon. Just at that moment an ATS officer killed in 26/11 along with Hemant Karkare, Vijay Salaskar and another police officer Maeykar PI greeted the news with great joy and remarked that the Bajrang Dal had taken revenge in Malegaon for the train blasts in Mumbai on 7/11.(3) This Mohammad Ali Shaikh is different from the Pakistani the ATS had killed on August 22, 2006. Mohammad Ali Shaikh was falsely accused in the Malegaon blasts of September 8, 2006 and also in 7/11. He has been given bail in Malegaon case but not in 7/11. He was questioned in the night of November 10, 2006 at his house in Shivajinager Govandi in Mumbai. Next day on November 11, the police arrested him and slapped terrorism charges on him of his involvement in Malegaon 2006 blasts. (4) This rigmarole in framing innocent Muslims shows that the Mohammad Ali killed in Wadala fake encounter was from Pakistan but the police found an Indian Muslim with that name to bear the cross of guilt. When arrested Mohammad Ali sheikh was 37 years old salesman living with wife Saidunisa and children. For the same case of 7/11 the ATS arrested 13 men but two years later the Crime Branch arrested five Indian Mujahideen and charged them. Ehtesham had filed 1500 RTI applications of which 400 deal with 7/11. He says: "I asked for the minutest of details—date of arrest, place where we were kept, platforms on which the trains had halted. Initially, the replies were vague; today our defence case stands on the information gathered under the Act." This shows that he was innocent and had to struggle so hard for gathering proof for his acquittal. "Earlier, even when we screamed out loud that we were innocent, no one listened to us. Today, we are backing it with evidence." "I am putting these years in jail to good use. Life in prison can bring out the worst in a person. If the mind is not channeled into doing something constructive, the strongest of men can break down." Police strategy The police in India are wont to arrest innocent Muslims and falsely charge them in multiple cases of terrorism. This strategy makes it difficult for the victims to come out of prison for years on end and even after a decade. Grave and cataclysmic indications Ashish Khaitan has appealed through his letter to the high court in Maharashtra about what he pertinently claims: “My research has shown that at least in three cases prosecuted by ATS Maharashtra, namely the July 11 2006 Mumbai local train blasts, the 2006 Malegaon Blasts and the Pune German Bakery case of February 2010, the ATS has deliberately created bogus evidence, extracted false confessions by the most inhuman torture, planted explosives in the houses of the accused and thus implicated innocent Muslim youth.”(5) What he has not taken into notice is even more disturbing namely that the director general of police of Maharashtra Dr Pasricha had claimed that behind the serial bomb blasts of July 11, 2006 there was a Maharashtrian leader and behind the September 8, 2006 blasts in Malegaon were the activists of Bajrang Dal. No one heeded this remark he made in public on September 9, 2006. A Marathi newspaper called Punnynagri dated September 11, 2006 referred this only to castigate and scorn Dr PS Pasricha as bejabaddar police pramaukh “irresponsible police chief.” This writer has a copy of it and he has guessed that leader to be either Bal Thackeray or Sharad Pawar. His ground of suspicion is that the two were cronies and were the only leaders who called shots in the state in the nineties of the last century and the first decade of the 21st century. For example it was Thackeray who exhorted Hindus on January 6 1993 to retaliate to Muslims in Mumbai [Bombay, then] which led to manslaughter of the minority community people in the city and in the first decade of 21st century he time and again expressed need for suicide bomber squads of Hindus to take on the Muslims. Pawar was the defence minister at that time and through his intervention Madhukar Saroptdar was not arrested although he was caught with arms he was supplying to the Shiv Sainiks to kill Muslims. What is even more remarkable is that the then Chief Minister Sudhakar Naik had blamed Pawar for the blood bath in Mumbai and it was again Pawar who managed to invite Saroptdar to meet the Prime Minister Narsimha Rao who toured the city at that time. So the question arises as to who is ultimately responsible for the arrest of Ehtesham and others? Only the police??? The editorial in the Marathi newspaper also describes that there was a move in the Maharashtra legislative assembly on breach of privileges against Dr Pasricha. If the Maharashtra government were serious in fighting terrorism they should have asked the police chief to furnish proof of the Maharashtrian leader behind the train blasts and Bajrang Dal’s involvement in Malegaon 2006 blasts. The government included Congress and Nationalist Congress Party of Sharad Pawar members. For both the attacks Ehtesham and other Muslims had to languish in prison and are still doing it with justice clearly denied to them. It is in this context it is relevant to quote Khaitan, “I am aware that normally, investigation of crime is the task of the police and verdicts of guilt or innocence, the realm of courts. What makes me intervene in this process is the fact that the same has become the reverse of what it is intended to be. When the police deliberately obstructs justice and misleads courts of law, it cannot be left unchecked.” The gravamen of the situation is that “None of these agencies [ATS, Crime Branch of Mumbai and others] placed the entire relevant material before the MCOCA court trying an entirely unconnected set of 13 men for 7/11 Blasts. Why?” Was the Maharashtrian leader really involved so powerful to derail investigation? Who is he? Eshtesham was arrested a month after 7/11 blasts. His arrest in August 2006 indicates that he belongs to the 13 accused in the blasts. They were accused by ATS under KP Raghuvanshi. But then Hemant Karkare replaced Raghuvanshi and remarked on August 16, 2008 that he had not come across SIMI involvement in any case. (6) It proves that the thirteen arrested for 7/11 were innocent Muslims framed on deliberate false charges. Ehtesham was arrested in August 2006 and was one of the 13. There serious and worrisome implications of this. One that according to Malegaon 2006 blasts accused Abrar Ahmed Raghuvanshi had tried to bribe him into owning his involvement in return he would get fabulous amount of money, land and flats and assurance that he would be bailed out. Suboth Kumar Jaiswal was Raghuvanshi’s assistant and Sachin Kadam of ATS and Malegaon ASP Rajwardhan Sinha visited Abrar on September 1, 2008 and told him that they would remove the new investigators [Karkare and his assistants]who were changing the investigation that Raghuvanshi had done and then they would take Abrar out of jail after two and half months. Thus Karkare was assassinated according to this deep conspiracy and Raghuvanshi succeeded Karkare who died on November 26, 2008. It was therefore Raghuvanshi who turned the investigation to the 13 accused who were already in jail for two years. But the new set of 5 Indian Mujahideen with Sadiqu Shaikh were arrested in 2008 by the Crime Branch and supposed to be real bombers of 7/11. The farce that the ATS and MCOCA court is conducting is trying the 13 (including Ehtesham) who were not really involved. Consequences: Raghuvanshi could not win over Abrar accused in September 8 2006 blasts who turned hostile and renounced his being an approver but Raghuvanshi got Sadiqu discharged from the earlier case of July 11, 2006 serial blasts in the trains. This is an excellent game that Raghuvanshi and RR Patil the Home Minister played, the game that Khaitan calls “pick and choose” terrorists. These worthies are like the police officer inspector Thomas in Arundhati Roy’s novel The God of Small Things who tapped the breasts of a woman while accusing her of adultery with his baton as if he was picking and choosing mangoes from a cart in market! ---- (1) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/we-weren-t-on-the-trains.../1111537/0 (2) Inquilab Friday August 16, 2013. 3) Inquilab Sunday magazine August 17, 2008. (4)Sunday Express, Mumbai edition November 6, 2011. (5) http://gulail.com/ashish-khetan-petitions-before-the-bombay-high-court/ (6) Urdu Times August 16, 2008. Chapter 2 Case: 7/11 Mumbai local train attack Fahim Arshad Ansari Acquittal with a trail of serious deliberation Fahim Fahim Arshad Ansari was arrested on February 12, 2008 for the attack on the CRPF camp in Rampur, UP. He along with Sabbaudin was also charged with providing important details of location in Mumbai of strategic buildings and sites for possible terrorist attacks by Lashka-r-Toiba. Such locations included offices of Mumbai Police Commissioner, Director General of Police, Gateway of India, Colaba, Tajmahal hotel, Churchgate railway station, Reliance energy and AKSA beach. (1)Judge ML Tahilani of Mumbai high court dismissed the charges because Ajmal Kasab and Ismail Khan were directed to remain in VT now known as CST. (2) Ismail Khan was killed and Kasab was shot at and injured and was hanged in 2013. The judge also laughed away the prosecution presenting a hand drawn map of the sites in the handwriting of Fahim when better and accurate maps by Google Earth with GPS and VoIP were used by the handlers of the terrorist attackers. This is a serious flaw in the investigation because it proves the involvement of the police in Mumbai in framing innocent educated Muslim youths in terror charges. Fahim lived in Goregaon and his own city’s police framing him is a betrayal. The judge had closely ascertained from Kasab and found that Kasab and Ismail Khan were not instructed to go to Chowpatty or the Gateway of India and some other places. It shows up the Mumbai police added names of location according to the whim and calculation in framing the Muslim youths. The leading public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam acted like cock of the walk in presenting the case and collecting huge amount of money as his fees. Fahim Ansari on acquittal The Maharashtra government had appealed against the high court verdict but the Supreme Court upheld the acquittal in August 2012. A year later Fahim is still languishing in jain as the the Bareilly court is trying for his alleged involvement in the Rampur attack. To fight the case his wife Yasmin had to sell her flat in Bandra. Yasmeen with her son in her flat The facts of arrest Fahim was actually arrested on February 1st, 2008 from Lucknow and for an hour was kept in Lok chowky police station in that city. The Special Task Force shifted him from there to an unknown place and kept him in a bungalow for fifteen days. (3) Torture and forced false confession His hands were handcuffed in chain and tied to a place. The police prevented him from sleep except for two to three hours and tortured him. They forced him to make maps of Mumbai with locations marked. They also tortured him into signing blank papers. They even threatened to kill him in fake encounter. Once they took him to a farm at night with his head covered in black cloth. They pointed their guns at him and ordered him to run. The premonition of imminent death in encounter scared him so much that he burst out weeping and crying. Then they told him that if he did what they wanted they would not kill him. Thereafter he did three things they subsequently told him to do: one, they prepared fictitious stories of involvement in terror and asked him to sign, two, draw maps of Mumbai and , three, blank papers he was told to sign. He did what they told. This went on for ten days. Then the police took him to Rampur in the morning of February 10th and kept him in an unknown place. At 5 in the evening they presented him in court where the lady judge did not ask him anything and sent him to remand. At 7 that evening he was put in jail where four others were also present he did not know them. They took away all his belongings including clothes, watch, mobile, etc. On February 11th the ATS of UP visited the Rampur prison and took him away for remand. The police tortured him excruciatingly and on February 16 they transferred him to a police station in Dadar (East), Mumbai. The Maharashtra ATS questioned him and took him to his house in Mumbai and allowed him just a minute to see his daughter and then took him away. On the same day they presented him before ATS chief Hemant Karkare and another officer Pram Vir Singh in the Nagpada police station. On February 16th ATS chief Hemant Karkare thoroughly questioned him for several hours. He scrutinized his past record and also cross checked him from all angles and remarked that Fahim was not involved in any crime in Mumbai or Maharashtra and hence he should be sent back to Rampur. He was locked up in Rampur jail on February 18th. 2008. In the meantime Karkare was assassinated on November 26, 2008 during the Mumbai attacks. A year after Fahim was presented before Karkare the ATS now under KP Raghuvanshi framed him in Mumbai 2008 attacks case. For a whole year he was in Rampur jail! And yet Raghuvanshi did that! In April 2008 he was presented in Rampur court. He told the judge that he was tortured and abused and his mother and sister were also abused in the filthiest language by the police and how the STF coerced him into signing confession and almost killed him in a fake encounter for that. But the judge did not take any notice of this. Important facts for notice Even after Karkare had cleared him of the charge of any involvement in terrorism, Raghuvanshi deliberately implicated him in 26/11 case. This he did despite the fact that David Coleman Headley had confessed that it was he who surveyed Mumbai strategic sites for attack and the FBI even questioned Fahim and Sabauddin for several hours. Even so the Maharashtra government not only reinstated RR Patil as home minister after the 26/11 attacks but reappointed Raghuvanshi as ATS chief and continued to promote him. Raghuvanshi is now the police commissioner of Thane. But there are some facts which Fahim has said that provide ‘critical mass’ indicating a much deeper conspiracy and involvement of several governments and even the judiciary which fail to give justice to Muslims and where do we go from here. That leaves no option but the necessity for International Criminal Court or the UNO to help India surmount the morass of disaffection of the minority and bias of its police and the misguidance of the majority community as far as who the real terrorists are. One, the FBI of America did not find the involvement of Fahim in 26/11 attacks and hence he was not named in their charge sheet. Therefore the onus is and should be on the governments of Maharashtra and the central government to question Raghuvanshi why did he require Fahim who was again brought back to Mumbai by the Crime Branch on December 17, 2009? Second, there was no business of Fahim drawing maps because the matter of the map was not included in trial until February 5th, 2009. Till then he had been given remand four times and appeared in court several times and yet there was no mention of the map. Why ? Who planted the map in Ismail Khan’s pocket? There was no dirt mark of mud, blood and sweat on it. Nor was the map even folded! This is unbelievable because Ismail Khan was killed in a battle that lasted for so many hours since the attacks started! Third, why did Justice ML Tahaliani not question Kasab in the presence of Fahim when the Pakistani terrorist had at long last confessed his crimes on July 20, 2009? Anyway FBI had questioned him thoroughly. The Judge had asked Kasab in camera about Fahim. Kasab drew a blank, he did not know him. The Judge was surprised but why did he not take it on record? There are even more disturbing features. If the Rampur police excessively tortured him into drawing maps of Mumbai in February 2008 was it not a sinister case of conspiracy? There seem to be two groups who struck Mumbai on November 26, 2008. Kasab and his handlers already had Google Earth maps and locations marked. This group did not know the other group to which the police wanted maps from Fahim. This latter group probably spoke Marathi and assassinated Karkare. The police commissioner Hasan Gafoor had called Karkare to his control room while Rakesh Maria told him to report to his. If Malegaon blasts of 2006 accused Abrar is telling truth in his affidavit then Suboth Kumar Jaiswal and other officers of police with him were behind removing Karkare from their path because Karkare was changing the findings of the group of his predecessor Raghuvanshi. This is beyond the competence of the court to find and hence it is likely that it would remain an unsolved mystery surrounding the conspiracy. But there is another that also defies solution. Fahim’s wife Yasmin had told him in prison that his lawyer Shahid Azmi was under threat. The ATS had threatened to kill him if he continued his defense of Fahim. He even stopped going court out of fear. Was Shahid assassinated for having defended Fahim and would have defended other accused in false terrorism cases? So also will remain it a mystery that David Headley had reconnoitered the sites of attack and yet the police went after Fahim precisely for that reason. It reminds one of the other mysteries that Headley had not found Ishrat Jahan as a terrorist but the Gujarat police went ahead and even killed her, etc. Fahim in his letter from jail written in March 2010 says that he was acquitted because the media, the judge and the government had trapped him in the false case. The first investigation officer Ashok T Duraphe came for a short time to meet him. Fahim wept and told him that he had nothing to do with 26/11. Duraphe told him hamen pata hai ki tera(Fahim Ansari) is hamley sey koi taaluk nahin hay. Par ham tujhe aisey hi nahin chod saktey. Tera naam akhbar and tv men itna aagya hai ki abb kutch nahin ho sakta. Iss case men tu phans gya hai. “We know that you (Fahim Ansari) have no connection with this attack. But we cannot leave you, nevertheless. Your name has been so much in the newspapers and on TV that we are helpless. You have been trapped.” ------- (1) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/fbi-wants-to-quiz-fahim-ansari-for-2611-terror-strikes/417766/0 (2) http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/1378515/report-fahim-sabauddin-s-release-punctures-mumbai-police-claims# (3) This version of his arrest and other quotes of Fahim are from his letter from prison published in Urdu Times dated March 8, 2010. See the facsimile of the letter attached. Chapter 3 Six years of willful criminal attempt to frame an indigent Muslim youth: Noorulhodha As Prof Sayyad Abdul Rehman Geelani said on his release “The acquittal of an innocent man is not an occasion of celebration but a cause for reflection.” He was falsely implicated in the 2001 Parliament attack case. When the nine wrongly but definitely deliberately and cynically accused in Malegaon 2006 blast case come out of prison there is need for a crusade to unearth the truth of the perpetrators and more importantly the heinous game of framing up that the police actively undertook. At whose behest did the police in Malegaon undertake this criminal course of action? The police in Malegaon were well aware of what was going to happen on September 8, 2006. The superintendent of police of Malegaon Anil Kumbhare had warned dire consequences when Dr Farog Magdumi engaged him with request to remove police barricade so that the people of his area could go for buying medicine. That was on Wednesday September 6, when the Ganesh immersion was in progress. The police chief thundered at the medico that he would know it on Friday. Vijay Salaskar, slain along with Hemant Karkare, was sitting in Kurla police station when the news of the blasts came. He became jubilant and told the people there that this time the Hindus have taken revenge. How did he know with surety that it was the work of Hindus? This is by no means wild allegations against the police. Reports from Hyderabad, Ajmer, Delhi and Kashmir and many other places reveal a macabre pattern of framing Muslim youths in false cases and destroying their youth and livelihood as well as pillorying the whole community. Noorulhodha Samshuduha was the first accused arrested after the blasts in Malegaon in 2006. A look into his record shows that the police played a proactive role in framing an innocent person. (1)He was first arrested by Inspector Daima of Nasik crime branch on August 18, 2001. No communal riots had taken place for more than last nine years. The next communal riot that broke out was on October 26, 2001. This is important in the sense that the local police under additional superintendent of police Rajwardhan Sinha was going to write in their charge sheet that 2006 bombs were exploded by Muslims to take revenge of their heavy casualties in 2001 riots. Noorulhodha was about 17, a minor. During interrogation the police could not find anything against him. Even so he had to spend seven days in jail before the judge acquitted him. (2) On September 27, 2001 he was again taken away by four policemen, one of them was Sheikh Rafiq. On reaching Azad Nagar police station PI Hiraman Kankare started abusing him and put him in lock up. Next day the court sent him to prison for nine days without any investigation being made. On October 1 he was again acquitted of all charges. This time he was charged with protesting against the ban on Students Islamic Movement of India. He denies that he ever protested or knew about it. (3) He was coming out of the gate of the prison when the police again arrested him under section 110 and was given bail. The police would, however, arrest him again on days of Hindu festivals, and of course, December 6 Babri anniversary. (4) On May 13, 2006 he was arrested for arms haul cases of Aurangabad and Malegaon. He had nothing to do with either. After he spent ten days in Nasik prison he was released on May 23rd. This did not mean freedom to him. PI Nasir Hameed Sheikh of Azad Nager police station sent havaldar Rafiq for him and abused him profusely: “It is better for you to leave Malegaon, rather Maharashtra itself, otherwise we shall shoot you or after implicating you in some big case, will put you in jail for the whole of your life.” This ominous threat did not wait for long for the “some big case”. Rather two of them came handy for the police. (5) On the heels of the 7/11 blasts in Mumbai local trains the havaldars swung into action and arrested Noorulhodha and handed him over to the Ghatkoper (Mumbai) police. He was held in illegal detention for ten days. He went through excruciating torture and abuse and also the same threat that he would be implicated in 7/11 attacks. But he was released on August 14, 2006. But his nemesis Nasir Hameed Sheikh and Rafiq Sheikh did not wait for long when they pounced upon him. They called him to Azad Nager police station and Nasir again threatened him, “to implicate me in some serious case”. The cop bewailed “every time you come out safely!” On September 14, 2006 the police took him to City Police Station where Inspector Malgaonkar (LLB, Nasik) asked him while torturing: “Why are you keeping a beard? You are still young and also offer namaz five times a day, don kurta, pyjama, and cap. There are many other Muslim youths of your age but they do not do that and why you do all that. You are a hardcore and fanatic Muslim.” Then he was left to go home. It was 8 at night. No sooner did be reach home when he was called back and this time there were Inspector Malgaonkar, Inspector Desai, Inspector Karan Kabadi, ATS Inspector Sachin Kadam, Inspector Awari and havaldar Patil. They tortured him breathing down upon his neck saying, “You are a hard core Muslim. We will see you.” After midnight he came out of the hell. (6) On October 8 he was again at police station at their bidding. A harrowing day of torture followed. Then he landed in the police lock up. In the morning of October 9 Inspector Nasir came to his cell and with the smile of a villain remarked “I had already told you to go away from Malegaon, otherwise we will shoot you or will implicate you in some big case.” That is how the long day’s journey into the darkness of Indian prison began for Noorulhodha and it has not ended yet. Much water has flowed down the Mosom river of Malegaon. His parents have aged with grief and infirmity. His bride of a few weeks has transformed into a distraught woman victim of destiny that has extinguished hope for her future. The long five years of imprisonment have taken a heavy toll on so many in the family. To forestall any such repetition of police atrocity and implication of innocents in crime they have never committed there are two ways forking ahead. There is need for urgent punishment seen to be given to the cops who had hoodwinked at the laws of the land and illegally arrested the innocent. They must be fined and from it the victims paid compensation. In case it is not feasible because of political polarization of those in power and at the helms of affair who halfheartedly try to bring justice to Muslims and the opponents who consider even this as “appeasement” there is need for the Muslims to be allowed to take their grievance to the United Nations under the optional protocols. Such a proposal was made by the writer at the World Conference on human rights at Bhopal’s Sir Barkatulla University and Paud (near Pune) International conference on Women and their rights. There is also ground for exploring it given the hosts of cases where the community has been targeted and justice denied. Chapter 4 The classic case of deliberate arrest of two brothers for mistaken identity Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid and Javed Abdul Majid One of the most bizarre cases of deliberate framing of two brothers in terrorism charges has permanently soured relationship of father with the disobedient one. The apple of his eyes is in jail for the last seven years but the expelled and forsaken is out on bail after having spent five years in prison. On the day Indian government of PM AB Vajpayee banned Students Islamic Movement of India the police inspector in charge of City Police Station in Malegaon Hansraj detained Javed Abdul Majid on the false charge of giving a speech in Bhiku chowk against the ban to instigate the public against the government. Earlier in the year five youths of Malegaon were pasting posters for the recovery of the demolished Babri mosque. The police had chased them away. But one of them Mudassir was caught. He along with Zahid and the other three were members of SIMI. Mudassir knew Zahid by the name of Javed and gave this name to the police. The name of Zahid was recorded in police diary as Javed. On the day Zahid was pasting posters his younger brother Javed reprimanded him. Javed scolded his elder brother Zahid for playing with fire on the issue of Babri mosque for it would hardly change the situation. It would not serve any purpose, either. The participation of Zahid in SIMI activities brought the police to the door of their house in Islampura. As Majid also had admonished his son Zahid not to get involved in SIMI he became furious and lost his balance and drove his elder son Zahid out of the house and forbade him from entering the lane in which the house was located. Even when Zahid was released on bail in the bomb blasts case of September 8, 2006 his father did not relent. Zahid had to go back to Phoolsanghvi, Yawatmal, where he used to perform namaz as an imam. Javed had not given any speech though his elder brother Zahid was involved in SIMI activities. His father Majid was a responsible man in his personal and civil life. As a teacher in a village he had worked with Marathi teachers in a mixed school where majority of the students were Hindus. He had celebrated the Independence Day and the Republic Day in a rare spirit of national unity. He would organize rangolee decoration of the school ground. The non Muslim teachers were impressed by his civility and togetherness. He would also organize tours and would enjoy the outing with his family participating in the educational excursions. That abruptly ended his carefree contentment in family life and satisfaction in his métier for good when the police woke him at 2 am on May 12, 2006. Majid’s niece had got married on May 11, 2006. He was busy in arranging the wedding dinner till late in the night and returned home very tired. The police surprised him and disturbed the family greatly when they knocked at 2 am in the wee hours of May 12th. They ordered him to bring his son Javed, the SIMI activist. Zahid and not Javed was the SIMI activist he argued with the arresting officer. He had already expelled from house his son Zahid for being a member of SIMI and where was he (Zahid) the father did not know and had never cared to know because Zahid had disobeyed him. So the poor father had to surrender Javed the younger son for the misdeed of the elder. Neither the father nor the son knew why the police had arrested Javed. It was in the court that Javed came to know that the police had slapped the charge of the arms haul case familiarly known as the Aurangabad arms haul case against him. Majid was aghast with the shock! Zahid Javed Chapter 5 Abhinav Bharat, not banning it: a step into the dark abyss The Ministry of Home Affairs’ letter of July 2013 made public on August 22, 2013 has come as a shock. The MHA refused to ban the Hindutva extremist terror outfit Abhinave Bharat as the Government of Maharashtra had appealed it to do. According to the first published report it considers AB as only “a ginger movement.” It would imply that its involvement in Malegaon 2008 blast was carefully calculated and the blast was carried out to cause limited harm. Six people lost their life and more than a hundred were injured at the Bhiku chowk, Malegaon, on Septermber 29, 2008. This flies in the face of reason. Soon after the bomb blew up Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thakur rang up Ramji Kalsangra. Sadhvi: How many have died in the explosion? Ramji: Two or three have died. Sadhvi : You had calculated many would die when you went there. Ramji: There was some mistake in the timing. We tried to park the motor bike at two or three places but we were not allowed there. Then we parked at one place and I left the spot. There was not a huge crowd then. There was so much explosive material that the front part of the vehicle was blown to smithereens. Of course they did calculate to cause maximum number of deaths because their chosen spot was the so called Nukad corner but such was the crowd that there was no possibility of carrying it that far. The local people at the Bhiku chowk said that the Ramji had tried to go into the crowd of women but the lady police did not allow him. Twice the lady officer turned him back. The barricade was manned by the lady police. In fact it was also difficulty for any man to enter the thick crowd of women and to carry a vehicle was unthinkable. Then the owner of the transport company asked his servant to remove the bike. But the handle was locked so he sent his servant to the police chowki across the road but the cops dilly dallied. One of them came to the vehicle but refused to remove the vehicle because the handle was locked. The people who gathered around then used their muscles and disturbed the focus of the box containing the bomb. The worshippers would come out of the big mosque after prayer for tea and snack every night at 9.30. But that was the special night for appealing to god for special prayer. The crowd was held back because of the special lengthy prayer for half an hour. So the casualty figure was less on account of the accidental delay which the terrorists failed to take into consideration. How did then the ministry think it was calculated to cause limited harm? Second nefarious argument of the ministry was that AB movement was a reaction to Jihad terrorism. This cannot be a justification or extenuating of the serious charge against it or the possibility of future resurgence of the movement. What the central government ministry is doing now is what Chief Minister Narendra Modi did on February 27, 2002 night. His Newtonian third law ushered in the pogroms of Muslim from which he has not retracted till this day. In 2007 interview with Karan Thapar he gnashed his teeth boiling with rage at the media czar and in subdued voice he remarked that only one or two persons hold the view that he was a mass murderer and abruptly truncated the interview. He did not accept even the traditional skull cap during the sadhbhauvna farce. To a foreign channel in July 2013 he uttered kutte ke bache the litters of dogs and bitches to describe Muslims. Therefore there is cause of concern to look at AB and Modi government sponsored terrorism against Muslims as of the same nature. Modi government had had a wont to frame Muslims in false charges of terrorism, not once but for umpteen times.. Abhinav Bharat and the phenomenon of Modi RSS pracharak as ruler of Gujarat are manifestations of the same extremism of the right wing fundamentalism and hatred against Muslims. A fuller perception of what had happened in Malegaon earlier attack of 2006 and other places clearly indicates the involvement of the extremist Hindutva organization AB. The hallmark of the AB is that whenever they struck, the innocent Muslims were accused in the media, the media trial and publicity of them went on for weeks together and they in the eyes of the public were made to bear the cross of ignominy and later framed in bogus terror charges by the police as in the case of Fahim Ansari in 26/11 and the nine accused in Malegaon 2006 blasts. Other cases piled up like the German Bakery case where without proof of actual involvement of Mirza Himayat Baig, he was sentenced to death nevertheless. The stage was set much earlier when the National Democratic Alliance government in control of the Hindu party BJP through its ordinance banned Students Islamic Movement of India on February 18, 2001 as it tried to piggy ride the US war on terrorism. There was no involvement of any Muslim from India in the 9/11 attacks in New York and the Pentagon but within a week in an unseemly hurry the government of Atal B Vajpayee banned SIMI. This is in sharp contrast with the governmental refusal to ban AB even after its manifest Constitution became public, its commitment, its seditious attempt to overthrow the government and its association with the Israeli and Nepalese governments in real acts of terror. The MHA must not be surprised to know that their getting Zabiuddin Ansari and Abdul Karim Tunda extradited from the Gulf countries by way of Nepal also applies to the terrorists like Lt Col Prasad Purohit whose crimes cannot remain just a “ginger movement”. (1)Purohit and other accused in Malegaon 2008 blast had sought steady supply of weapons, diplomatic recognition from Israel, safe haven in Tel Aviv etc., and training in arms from Nepalese army as per AB’s understanding with the members of royal family of Nepal.(2) As Israel kidnapped Adolf Eichmann from Argentina and tried him in Israel in 1961on grounds that “universal jurisdiction” based on “universal nature of the crimes in question” and "grave offenses against the law of nations itself “entitles it to try and punish the Nazi leader who had committed the crimes even when Israel had not come into existence and even the Genocide Convention had not come into effect. Israel came in existence in 1948 and the Genocide Convention in 1951. This precedence is applicable not only to Purohit but also Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Their acts during their tenure in military service and in office as Chief Minister respectively cannot be called “ginger movement”. In the case of Modi no other than the Supreme Court had dubbed him as a modern day Nero in 2004. He had toured affected areas in the evening of February 28th 2002. Babu Bajrangi and the Charra community told the Tehelka reporter that Modi had exhorted them to continue their killing the next day (Tehelka November 2007). In the case of Charles Taylor the Supreme Court of Sierra Leon ruled that "the sovereign equality of states does not prevent a Head of State from being prosecuted before an international criminal tribunal or court." If India can arrest members of Menon family like Yakub Menon from Nepal to stand trial for terrorism in India it also applies to the terrorists within India according to hostes humani generis ('enemies of the human race') principle of international jurisprudence. Even Henry Kissinger accepted that heads of states and public officials are on par with the pirates and other outlaws before the global bar of justice for breaking laws against humanity. (3) Indian courts may not regard the crimes of Modi or Purobit as grave violations of either the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide or crimes against humanity or crimes against nations. Therefore the need for foreign intervention based on international bar of justice. If Eichmann was an ideologue of Nazism then the RSS paracharak or propagandist Narendra Modi carried out the Hindutva experiment of purging Muslims according to the philosophy that RSS ideologue Guru Golwalkar espoused in emulation of Nazism. The collector of Godhra had declared that the fire in S6 compartment of Sabarmati Express train was an accident Modi in the night of February 27, 2002 changed it into an attack by ISI and Lashka-re-Toiba. Even he gave a call for strike the next day and allowed his police to let Hindus take revenge upon the Muslims for three days. It was like Adolf Hitler getting the German parliament burnt down and blaming it on the communists and the Jews as enemies of Germany behind it. The police blamed the Ganchi Muslims of Godhra for the train incident and even accused Maulana Umarji as the mastermind. He was acquitted by the court and the innocent people were convicted on what clearly appears to be false charges of terrorism. Since then Modi has also been involved in fake encounters which also constitute grave crimes against humanity. If the Israeli kidnapped Eichmann from South America the Gujarat police by the approval of Modi kidnapped Sohrabuddin, his wife and friend Tulsiram Prajapati, Ishrat Jahan and three others from Maharashtra and Kashmir and killed them. The Gujarat kidnapping was from different states of the Union of India like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, UP, etc. Indian courts have failed in catching on the idea of the “extraordinary renditions” Purohit also had a North Eastern rebel leader brought to Delhi. He killed him and let the dead body slide into the gutter. What is even more disturbing for democracy, Purohit had been complicit with the ruling monarchy in Nepal in their fight against the Maoist insurgency. He wanted to kill RSS leader Indresh Kumar who supported the democracy movement in the neighbouring country and for other ulterior reasons. These acts of terror of the most active and the mind behind the Abhinav Bharat cannot be called as “ginger movement.” Moreover he had trained activists of Bajrang Dal and RSS in arms and assembling of bombs and even supplied RDX and bombs. If the government in Delhi does not still want to ban the Abhinav Bharat it is their outlook. But international jurisdiction takes note of it all the same. It also takes note of the fact that the high officials like ADG of police PP Pandy in Gujarat and chief of Anti Terrorism Squad of Maharashtra KP Raghuvanshi are complicit in crimes and the chain of command leads to Modi and his counterpart home minister in Maharashtra. They took the lead in framing innocent educated Muslims in terror incidents which the Hindutva groups had committed. Reports indicate that Vishwa Hindu Parishad secretary Praveen Togadia had funded Abhinav Bharat and Modi had donated funds to Swami Asimanand. Both Togadia and Modi are from Gujarat and Asimanand and Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thakur were based in Gujarat. Moreover Sunil Joshi, Ramchandra Kalsangrah and Sandeep Deange had visited Shabri Dham Ashram of Aseemanand. They also had attended meeting at the house of Bharatbhai Riteshwar in Valsad. These details prove that the terrorist movement had not carefully and cautiously prepared to cause limited damage. It was well planned execution of mass murders over a long period of time through means of terrorism. Banning AB as well as VHP would have gone a long way to prevent India from being engulfing in the swamp of terrorism as some countries are today. It was also imperative to have investigated Modi’s role by an independent commission of jurists of unblemished reputation. Even the vice chair person of the US Commission on Religious Freedom Katrina Lantros Swett was astonished that the inquiry commissions in India and the Special Investigation Team did not take the sworn affidavit of Sanjive Bhatt in charge of intelligence department and security of Mod and the chief of SIB RB Sreekumar seriously. Both had accused Modi of involvement in the genocide of Muslims. Furthermore Ramji and Sandeep Dange are still at large. Therefore the possibility of further attacks by AB modules of terrorists cannot be ruled out. Modi’s punitive action against Satish Verma needs more attention than either the state or central government has done. Verma while inquiring the fake encounter of Ishrat and others had also spoken about the government’s involvement in Parliament attack of December 13, 2001 and the 26/11 in Mumbai. Without fully gauging the dangers latent in the ideology of Abhinav Bharat and the depth of involvement of Modi in the pogroms it would not be possible to resolve the complex role of terrorists in cases of terrorism committed by extremists of Hindu community for which innocent Muslims had to suffer long prison terms and then discharged without compensation and in other cases being killed on false pretext of terrorism. The Home Minister of India is afraid to ban Abhinav Bharat and maintain his accusation that RSS was training extremists among Hindus in terrorism like the Bajrang Dal activists. The activists of Abhinav Bharat and Modi and his ilks in the right wing have one thing in common. To use RB Sreekumar’s description of Modi their “intrinsic mind is not for goodwill to all”. This description of Modi applies to Himani Savarkar, Purohit and a host of others in the Abhinav Bharat and other extremist groups. Sreekumar describes Modi’s complicity in the crimes against humanity in his open letter of October 5, 2011: “You have rewarded practically, all those govt. officers, who actively participated through their acts of commission and omission, in violation of their oath of allegiance to the Constitution of India, in the planning and execution of anti-minority genocide in 2002, after the most condemnable Godhra train burning incident.” If Modi has insidiously blamed LeT for the fire incident and allowed the pogroms and AB have blasted bombs in reaction to Jihadi terrorism then the victims of the pogroms and bomb explosions have been innocent Muslims, children, women and men who had nothing to do either with Pakistan or terrorism. What AB and Modi have in common is in the words of Sreekumar: “the ideas of exclusivism, sectarianism and hatred of certain sections Indian citizens, indoctrinated by the Sangh Parivar.”(4) A better way to fight terrorism will be to fight these ideas sincerely with full might. ------- (1) http://www.opendemocracy.net/openindia/n-jayaram/narendra-modi-british-invitation-and-universal-jurisdiction http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Home-ministry-turns-down-Maharashtras-plea-to-ban-Abhinav-Bharat/articleshow/21978779.cms?utm_source=twitter.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=TOIIndiaNews (2)Charge sheet of September 29th 2008 blasts in Malegaon Exhibit No 23. (3) Universal jurisdiction Wikipedia (4) http://www.countercurrents.org/sreekumar170911.htm August 25, 2013 Chapter 6 Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy (26) Mohammad Qateel Siddiquy was in prison for seven months and refused to own up a crime he had not committed. On the day of the German Bakery attack 13 February 2012 there was another attempt to blow up the famed Dagdu Seth Halwai temple in Pune. This claim of police needs scrutiny as similar claim in Malegaon on 13 September 2006 turned out to be fake and the police reportedly drove away the planter of the would be bomb as a weak minded and framed innocent Muslims from the nine accused, instead. Qateel was accused by the police to be involved in the attempt. There is no proof that he was there. But the police say he wanted to plant the bomb there but a flower seller did not let him do so. Did the florist recognize him in an identity parade? Eleven others were also accused along with him. The failed attempt of the police and especially ATS chief Rakesh Maria to implicate him in Dagdu Seth Halwai temple is reminiscent of the failed attempt of the same agency in the case of Khwaja Yunus in the Ghatkoper bus attack of December 2, 2002. In the case of Yunus ATS officer Sachin Vaze and others had hit his breast with their feet and knees so hard that another accused Dr Mateen Ansari realized that he would not survive. Yunus vomited blood and could not survive. Dr Mateen gave this fact in writing. Till then the false news that Vaze had given had been the sensational news that the police jeep carrying Yunus had over turned and the accused made use of this to escape law. Till today when even Yaseen Bhatkal is safely in the hands of the Indian police there is no trace of the dead body of Yunus. Another accused acquitted in many charges of terror was killed in Tihar jail when a couple of other false charges were still pending. He was Shakeel Ahmad of Delhi. He was in jail for fourteen years during that period his toddler daughters grew up and now live in sorrow. Till this day the Indian police have not come clean on Shakeel or Qateel either. Both had told their wives of how the police had snuffed out any hope of their survival! They had stubbornly refused to sign the fake confession. Another accused Muzammil Akhtar of Malegkaon is still alive because he signed the bogus confession when the ATS brought him in the presence of his father and threatened that even his mother and sister too would be unrobed and insulted like his father. The moot question is that Muzammil has spent not just seven months like Qateel, he has spent ten years and he is still not out even on bail: Why? He was accused of the Mulund local train attack that killed 14 on 13th March 2003 in Mumbai. It is really strange that all other accused have been let off! Discharged! Even Dr Mateen was given bail and discharged subsequently in the same case. Why has the wheel of justice stuck in the morass of miscarriage of justice for so long? There are even more serious and disturbing questions which reflect on the nature of how the judiciary and jail system work in India against the Muslims. Qateel was already doomed by the police or else why should he have been put in the top security Yerwada jail instead regular jails. He had not been proved to be such a dreadful criminal as the dacoit Alok Bhalerao or a proved killer of two and extortionist as Sharad Mohol (who killed him) to require a top security jail. Qateel was to appear later on that Friday 8th June 2012 in the Pune court. The ATS had not found any culpable evidence against him in the Pune case and would have let the Delhi police take his custody. It is likely that he knew who had blown bombs in Pune German Bakery and it was a fatal cover up by the police. He was bumped off in the same way as Shahid Azmi was. Who would fear the truth revealed to the Delhi police? If Qateel had taunted the dacoits and extortionists Alok Bhalerao and Sharad Mohol it would mean that he knew the real terrorists and would go on to tell it to the Delhi police. Given the location of five lock ups of three cells each in such high security set up it was impossible to kill him there. So the only way would be when the prisoners are brought into the open at 9.45 to 11.45 in the morning. It is but natural that at such a time there should have been even more tight security. And yet one of the two dacoits held Qateel’s legs and the other strangulated him. Even then the guards or the police did not come to know of the murder. It was only when one of the killers having told another prisoner who in turn told the guards of it that the news reached the ears of the authorities. Even if the close circuit camera were there the police would have conveniently lied as in so many other cases that the camera system was not working. So what we have here is extra judicial killing. The police claim that Yaseen Bhatkal had given one lakh rupees for the treatment of Qateel’s daughter who later died. Now that the police in Delhi are interrogating Yaseen they should find out if he had really given one lakh to Qateel in addition to the one lakh he had sent to his wife on the occasion of Id that was celebrated on 9th August. When the police have 40 charges against Yaseen even before his arrest why they don’t have anything from him on his connection with Qateel and a host of other Muslim youths accused of being his associates! How improbable it is that the police claim that Qateel had tried to plant the bomb at the temple but a florist refused to let him and so he took it all the way to the sea in Mumbai to dispose it off there! If Qateel was not involved in the Pune German Bakery case how could he have known where Yasin Bhatkal was hiding in Bihar. And after Yasin Bhatkal was arrested from the border region in Bihar on Wednesday 28th August 2013 why would the Bihar government refuse to register the crime and take custody of Yasin Bhatkal on 29th August?(1) In this melee what hope is there for truth to see the light of the day? The only way for the truth to come out would be impartial inquiry by international bodies of repute. This is a way out as even David Coleman Headley and Swami Asimanand have been either prevaricating or retracting whatever they have said. The Ministry of Home Affairs has also been hiding crucial information and facts like in the case of Intelligence Bureau special director Rajendra Kumar’s involvement in Ishrat Jahan case as well as many other cases. It is not only the Bihar government which is casting aspersion on Yasin Bhatkal arrest by its refusal to do anything with him. Qateel taunted Sharad Mohol and Alok Bhalerao which led to his killing but there was no one who saw the murder. So the question is still open as to who killed him. If the duo killed him who was behind them? The duo and Qateel were playing together, chatting and hobnobbing with each other well. Then how and what could go so wrong to lead to murder?(2) It could not be the taunt then that led to the murder. It could only be the fear that if the Delhi police which had arrested him a year before could come to know stark truth which the ATS did not want to share with it. It is also unexplained till today why did not the ATS hand over Qateel to Delhi police on 29th May 2013 when his police custody ended. He had been in the custody of the police in Pune Yerwada jail from 1st May. There was enough time to have interrogated him in four weeks. Why did not the two so called ‘extremist nationalists’ kill him on 29th May itself. The ATS prepared 81 pages of charge sheet in September 2012 in which it says that Qateel had threatened “second attempt” to blow the same temple. How could the police verify this and the court to judge? If nobody was present there in the notorious anda cell prison how could the ATS accept this when they had not accepted Qateel’s own insistence that he was not involved in crimes. In what way two criminals and dacoits are more reliable in jail than an innocent person? If the alleged threat to make second attempt was a boast why in heavens it should be taken as de facto intention of crime? There was little chance of Qateel ever coming out to commit a crime others have ascribed to him? Would he with no record of previous crimes threaten such second attempt? He would have been a fool to even think second attempt after having gone through the hell that is Indian jail for seven long months.(3) Inexplicable is also the fact that Delhi police had arrested him on 22nd November 2011 and had him for more than five months to know all they wanted. Why did they not finish their job? Why did they not ascertain from him before handing him to another agency of another state? Why is the Hindu party BJP silent over this whole affair? Is the onus only on the Muslims all the time to struggle to prove their youths’ innocence? ------- (1) http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/terror-suspect-killed-by-fellow-inmates-in-pune-jail/article3504634.ece (2) warrant-taunt-led-mohd-qateel-siddiqui-death-in-jail/1/200010.html (3) http://zeenews.india.com/news/maharashtra/siddiqui-killed-for-bragging-about-pune-temple-attack-cops_7981 Chapter 7 Hindutva Skylab of Gujarat falls along with lab assistant Vanzara Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh warned the nation on Independence Day August15, 2013 that the greatest danger to the country was from communalism. The people of the country hardly noted this warning as they are so much used to matters like endemic corruption and the scourge of rape. Given this ambience they could hardly think that the PM did not give a quotidian speech. But in essence that was not. The prime minister was aware of the genocide of Muslims in 2002, the fake encounters and the use of religion based politics that the BJP was playing in an alarming manner. In direct opposition to him was the politics that Amit Shah and Narendra Modi were playing in attempting to eclipse the genocidal crimes as well as their involvement in the fake encounters. Thus a parallel system was at work. That is, the Hindutva juggernaut with its hidden agenda that included targeting Muslims as terrorist and the rest who found that unpalatable. The former believed them to be patriotic to the tune of their roguery as the last resort of patriotism. DG Vanzara the highest profiled police officer in Gujarat called it deshbhakti, love and devotion to the country. For many years people of India had heard of the Hindutva experiment being made in Gujarat laboratory. They were also aware of the same experiment being replicated by Ashok Singhal of Vishwa Hindu Parishad, at least the threat of it. Now it is early sign that that experiment is tottering. It was brought about by the transfer of the Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case from Gujarat to Maharashtra in order to facilitate the Hindutva higher ups to let another stalwart of its garrison fight the battle for Hindu rashtra. Narendra Modi alone could not handle all the fronts. In this the most crucial role was played by Ram Jethmalani who saw that Amit Shah was not only given bail but also allowed to canvas in elections that took place in Gujarat and continue to fight for the upcoming 2014 election under his supervision in the biggest state of India, UP. It is the state which has Babri mosque demolished and a Ram temple coming up although in much staggered steps. The Hindutva horde not only executed the pogroms and defended the accused in the murder and arson and loot they also had ace lawyers and public prosecutors especially inducted into the genocide, the arrests, the trials and manipulation of the legal system. Even the additional advocate general of the state of Gujarat Tushar Mehta instead of defending the victims would pass relevant information of the victims to Hindutva ideologue of RSS S Gurumurthy to ferry out points to prepare defense of the accused in the genocide in the courts across the country. But Additional Director General of police DG Vanzara was the first line of defense: “I most respectfully would like to submit and state that I, along with my officers, stood beside this government like a bulwark whenever it faced an existential crisis in the past. When I, along with my officers, have been facing a similar crisis in my/our life/lives, it was expected of this government to reciprocate and firmly stand beside me and my officers with a similar vigour and determination, which to my utter shock and surprise, could not happen” The existential threats came from first the man who was the prime minister of the country. AB Vajpayee wanted Modi removed but he succumbed to the pressure of the Hindutva core groups of supporters of the genocide and its architect, Modi. He exhorted the chief minister to do his rajdharm. Modi said he had complied with it. But Vanzara followed another path shown by another religious divine, Guru Gobind Singh. When his own existence was in danger Vanzara took a leaf from scripture of another religion, Sikhism. “Hence the only way for me and my officers is to adopt the path of Dharma as defined by Shri Guru Govind Singh, the tenth Divine Lord of Sikhs, who ordained to his disciples, "when all the ways and doors for getting justice are exhausted and closed, it is just (Dharma) to draw the sword." Thus Gujarat showed two different meanings of Dharma used by two sons of the soil. Had the constitutional law of the land prevailed there would have been a secular law in which homicide is a crime punished with death. But both the sons played the same tune through different pipes as the Modern day Nero was fiddling thanks to the subversion of justice. It is quite clear that the pogroms of Muslims and the fake encounters in which mostly Muslims were killed followed one pattern. The innocent Muslims were blamed for the fire accident and the well planned pogroms were begun. According to Vanzara it was “the conscious policy of this government which was inspiring, guiding, and monitoring our actions from very close quarters.” He cannot afford to apply this only to the fake encounters for which he was arrested. It applies more to the murder and mayhem in Naroda Patia where nearly 800 Muslims were herded into a dry well, petrol from above was poured on them and they were burnt alive. They were in such large a number that the commissioner of police PC Pande ordered that the dead bodies should be scattered all over the city of Ahmadabad to lessen the enormity of the pogroms. Pravin Togadia was sitting in the hospital of VHP boss of the city Jaideep Patel a doctor by profession and monitoring the situation as Maya Kodnan minister of children and women health was inciting the crowds of Hinds to kill, rape and burn the Muslims. When the killings subsided for the day in late evening Modi went on a watch tour of the areas. He blessed the women of Chharra community for having produced brave men to have handled the job. According to the most notorious murderer Babu Bajrangi Modi had visited the sites to shore up the zeal of the marauders so that they would do the same job next day and the day after. He had stipulated three days for the pogroms. A neutral court in India would like to see the pogroms and fake encounters as two sides of the same coin which they are. Natural justice demands and the failing courts have stigmatized India for the sorry past. There is such a dimension of the events in Gujarat under Modi that only a full-fledged commission of inquiry of international repute could unearth the abysmal depth of horror and how it was covered up not just by Modi administration but that of Vajpayee at the centre. What Amit Shah did at state level LK Advani with tacit acquiescence of the Prime Minister of India did in the central government, issuing clean chits to Modi. This includes Vanzara’s own hospitality to the Hindu marauders who were arrested but he treated them to the gorgeous food in government guest house meant for class one officers and then in the evening he let the killers go home without registering crimes of genocide against any of them! Modi himself phoned Babu Bajrangi to surrender to police after hiding him from law in the Mount Abu government guest house! He saw to it that the petition of the widow Zakia Jafri was not entertained and when the court accepted it his SIT issued another clean chit to him.(1) It is sinister on the part of Vanzara to forget that the highest number of police officers in the pogrom affected parts of the state were those very officers like himself and his immediate boss PP Pandey who were fully involved in the pogroms of Muslims and the cover up of the accused killers and rapists. The same also were active in the fake encounters. It is his shrewd nature to defend those very officers for the crimes of fake encounter and slur over the much more grievous crimes of genocide. Modi’s crime was that he awarded all those officers in the genocide cases who toed the government line and punished those who opposed his state policy of teaching Muslims a lesson. So how could his trusted lieutenant Vanzara claim now: “The most notable part of the whole episode is that they are made to suffer in the jails, in spite of the fact that they had been and are loyal soldiers of this government who fought incessant war against, Pakistan inspired terrorism with complete honesty, integrity and sincerity without falling prey to any of the mundane temptations.” It is worth quoting at length what RB Sreekumar says in his open letter to Modi published on 17th September 2011. “4/ Those, who got rewards for their alleged deviant services to you, include officers, who were given extension in service, good postings and post retirements lucrative assignments. They are persons like, (1) Shri G.Subbarao, (2) Shri Ashok Narayanan, (3) Dr. P.K.Mishra, (4) Shri P.K.Laheri, (5) Shri Sudhir Mankad, (6) Smt. Manjula Subramaniaman, (7) Shri K.C.Kapoor - all IAS officers and (8) Shri A.K.Bhargava, (9) Shri P.C.Pande, (10) Shri G.C.Raiger, (11) Shri M.K.Tandon, (12) Shri Deepak Swaroop, (13) Shri K.Nityanandam, (14) Shri A.K.Sharma, (15) Shr Shivanad Jha, (16) Shri Sudhir Sinha, (17) Shri D.G.Vanzara, (18) Shri S.S.Khandwawala, (19) Shri J.Mahapatra, (20) Shri O.P.Mathur, (21) Shri A.A.Saiyed, (22) Shri P.P.Pandey, (23) Shri Ashish Bhatia - all IPS officers, etc. Their specific alleged culpable role was graphically narrated in my VIth Affidavit to the Justice Nanavati Commission. “5/- As you know among the govt. officials, who were victims of unwarranted punishments by your govt., myself lead the list. Ever since I presented facts about riots "falsifying" the State Govt. version to the Central Election Commission on 9.8.2002, I was issued with memos on trivial matters like Control Room Head Constable sending a secret message by fax to field officers, without my knowledge, by ACS (Home) Sh.Ashok Narayanan. Further the Govt. started an inquiry against me for writing to CP Ahmedabad Sh.K.R.Kaushik, about the alleged planting of weapons (fire arms) by DIG Sh.D.G.Vanzara, the then i/c of Ahmedabad City Crime Branch on a few Muslims of Dariapur on 2002 Rathyatra day. You may please note that this was the only adverse report about alleged illegal acts of Vanzara, in Gujarat Police records before his arrest for alleged fake encounter in April, 2007. Instead of probing into my information about Sh.Vanzara, the Chief Secretary started an inquiry against me, for punishing me even though the then DGP Sh.K.Chakravarthi reported that my act of reporting against Sh.Vanzara was part of my normal duties and so could not me treated as misconduct. Sir, had you checked Sh.Vanzara and monitored his work, accepting my report, he would not have indulged in alleged extra judicial killings of innocent people. Now these cases have brought bad name for your administration and Gujarat Police. This was an instance of saving a thief (chor) and punishing the policeman (kotwal), who pointed a finger at the thief.”(2) The penchant of Modi and Vanzara was the pet idea of blaming Pakistan even when there is no incident involving that country, even fighting election in Gujarat became a clash between Mian Musharaf and Modi. The hard fact is that Pakistan did not have time to wash its dirty linen in Gujarat politics. So how could the fake encounters be at the behest of Pakistan or inspired by ISI? The four cases Vanzara mentions in his letter of resigning from the post of additional director general of police in protest are that of Ishrat Jahan and three others, Sohrabuddin, his wife Kauser and friend Tulsiram Prajapati, Sadiq Jamal Mahtar. These were not just fake encounters but real terrorism. If Italian extremists kidnap former Prime Minister Aldo Moro and kill him and this is recognized as an act of terrorism, India must also learn that falsely accusing innocent people and killing them was also terrorism. There are also more skeletons likely to fall down from the wardrobe of Modi. A senior police officer Sanjiv Bhatt has expressed his apprehension that Modi may be behind the murder of Haren Pandya for which eleven innocent Muslims had to languish in prison for more than half a dozen years. Therefore the experiment that Modi and Vanzara along with other government and police officers made in the Gujarat laboratory of Hindutva was of far more serious and dangerous nature than people are willing to accept. Vanzara’s letter of resignation on Tuesday 3rd September 2013 is early straw in the wind. The experiment in the laboratory may have been interrupted by the letter but it would resume nevertheless. -------- (1)Tehelka 3November 2007. (2) Countercurrent 17 September 2011. Chapter 8 Asif Basheer Khan Accused in 7/11 Mumbai blasts in local trains The Anti Terrorist Squad of Maharashtra tortured Asif Basheer Khan in the most inhuman way: threat of raping mother and wife in his presence in the prison. On 8th August 2013 he told the MCOCA court in Mumbai that the police had already applied third degree torture and forced him to implicate himself in the blasts of 11 July 2006. He refused in the most trying situation in his life. But they continued torturing him and threatened to bring his mother and wife and rape them inside the Kala Ghoda office of ATS if he did not sign on the confession paper they put before him. Even then he refused. In this way he was implicated in Malegaon blasts of 8th September 2006 as well.(1) The ATS foisted a very ingenuous method of sensationalizing his arrest. He was arrested from Mira Road in Thane because when he had been Jalgaon he was a member of SIMI. The police gave it in the paper that a cab driver had identified him as the suspect who boarded the train at Church gate and planted the bomb. He had alighted from the taxi at Church gate on 11th July 2006 and had to pay 180 rupees as fare for travelling from Bandra. The driver did not have change so in a hurry he gave away 500 rupee note. The police calculated that this would appear a very plausible cogent cause of arrest and accusation. How could he forget the face of his large hearted benefactor and his largess! Two months later the ATS was allegedly inquiring about the passenger who boarded the train at Church gate on the fateful day. The cops claim that they found the cabbie who later identified him. On 13 August2013 Asif told the court that the identity parade was held on 7th November 2006 in Arthur road jail. The officer who conducted the parade said he was the code numbered 631officer sent by the government of Maharashtra. But years later Asif applied for information of 631 it turned out that that officer was from Kokan named Shashikant. Therefore the officer who really conducted the parade committed impersonation which is a crime. And so the testimony of those who gave witness in identifying him cannot be legally acceptable. The officer who committed impersonation gave one name in the papers on identity and had another name in the ATS; he was not Shashikant from Ratnagiri. (2) What is more the same special executive officer had also conducted the identity parade of the other accused and hence it was illegal and also criminal in their cases too. In this way Asif Basheer Khan struggled hard and patiently to prove that he was innocent. He was framed in bogus charges of terror by the ATS. ATS’ modus operandi is the same very vulgar violation of chastity of the family members through threats coercing the accused into submission as this was also used in the case of Muzammil Akhtar accused for 13 March 2003 local train attack where ATS succeeded in making the accused confess what he had not done actually. The ramification of Asif’s attack requires a commission of inquiry by the parliament or an international body of jurists. His real cause of arrest was no illegal act except that nearly six years ago the government had banned SIMI and he had been a member of SIMI in Jalgaon years ago, before migrating to Mumbai and taking a job of civil engineer in the metropolis. The police accused him for storing RDX and supplying it to the accused in 7/11 bombing as well as in September 2006 blasts in Malegaon. This stored RDX was the remnant of the huge amount of arms and RDX seized in Malegaon, Aurangabad and Ankai in May 2006. It is now becoming clear that the Hindutva terrorists of the Sunil Joshi and Lt Col Prasad Purohit modules were behind the use of RDX and the blasts. ------- (1)Inquilab 9-8-2013 (2)Inquilab 14-8-2013 Chapter 9 Abrar Ahmad conundrum of Malegaon blasts September 2006 It is true that many innocent youths of Muslim community were framed in bogus charges of terrorism but by no means could this be taken to mean that the police informers were also innocent. If such Muslim police informers receive money and only supply intelligence that enhances security then it is one thing but if they play in the hands of the police and frame other Muslims (who are innocent) in false charges of terrorism then it is serious matter. Abrar Ahmad accused in September 8, 2006 blasts in Malegaon is instance of it. It would be naïve to take Abrar Ahmad at face value when he says: “I never worked for the ATS. I was caught in a situation where I found myself at the mercy of the ATS officers. I was forced to implicate innocent people into the terrorism cases. I destroyed a number of lives. I am ashamed of myself. I became a toy in the hands of the ATS. They misled the investigation.” There is need to search phone record if the police called him at Ram Setu bridge on September 13, 2006 when they put him on record. He was searched and recorded to be having wire with him at that time. If he is really innocent his contact with the police must begin with this first meeting. But if there is phone record dating back then he is the first Muslim involved in a conspiracy of this magnitude where the Hindutva terrorists blew bombs and police were complicit in implicating him and several others in not just one but other cases of terrorism. There is also one ‘Ahmad’ in the arms haul case of May 2006. Who is this single-word man? Another thing that needs careful scrutiny is his exact relationship with the additional Superintendent of Police Raj Vardhan Sinha. He asserts: “He(Sinha) took me to Nashik. A few days later, he told me that some local newspapers had carried news reports that I was a police informer so it would be dangerous for me to visit Malegaon.” It is not convincing that such a senior officer will have such a character to repair his inverter at Nasik for which better mechanics were available in the district town itself. Why should the ASP shield him from local people’s ire if Abrar was really innocent? This is a flimsy pretext on which the ASP should send him on a junket of Jaora, Ujjain and other places in MP and also Maharashtra. Why would the ATS of Maharashtra spend money on him and keep him as guest in temples and hotels? If ATS cop Arun introduced him to Pragya Singh Thakur in Dewas then it naturally implies that he was in touch with the Sunil Joshi module. How come a stranger to ASP Sinha be taken in the loop of a much larger conspiracy involving the Sadhvi and the Lt Col Prasad Purohit who played so destructive terrorist role two years later? He met the Sadhvi again in Byculla jail when she was arrested and sent there in November 2008. In the meantime he also travelled at the expense of the police to Saputara in Gujarat and Deolali camp in Nasik. It was in the artillery cantonment that he met Purohit on October 22, 2006. Why should Purohit say what he actually said to Abrar: 'You will be given land and property anywhere in India except Kashmir.' If Abrar was a novice then why did the army man promise this largess? The more Abrar says the deeper is his involvement: “I was taken to the ATS office in Byculla. I was first taken to the office of Subodh Jaiswal [then additional commissioner of police; now joint secretary at cabinet secretariat]. He told me that I didn't need to worry about the news reports about me. Then I was taken to the office of K.P. Raghuvanshi [then chief of ATS; now Thane police commissioner]. He put ∃5 lakh in front of me and said that it was my money. He said if I wouldn't take it my brother-in-law Farooq would get it. Meanwhile, Rajwardhan brought Farooq, and he was given that money. After that, the cops took me to Nashik, where I was kept at Muktidham temple. Inside the temple some people were making a video film of all those who were present there and I was not comfortable getting filmed. Later, on December 13, 2006, I was taken to Bhiwandi and we stayed there. I met Farooq at the ATS office in Kalachowki the next day. He told me that the ATS had kept their promises. They had given us all the promised money. But I was shocked when he and my wife left me at the ATS office. After they left, the cops suddenly started thrashing me. I realised that they had got all the money and they played a double game with me. I was produced in court on December 22, 2006 as an approver in the Malegaon case.” He says that his brother in law Farooq Verdha received twenty five lakh rupees from the police and that he (Abrar) also had received money from ATS cops whom he names as Sachin Kadam, Mahesh Kadam and Sadashiv Abhimanyu Patil. But then he refused money since 2009 because his lawyer brother Jailil told him not to take more money or else he would be in trouble.(1) By no means Abrar can be absolved if what he said holds water: “I destroyed a number of lives. I am ashamed of myself.” He has confessed on his own volition therefore he is blaming himself for the destruction (killing and injuring) of a number of lives. This surely refers to those who lost their life and limbs in the blasts. That he implicated the other accused in the blasts of 2006 that were also given bail along with him. Therefore his regret and remorse is for the innocent killed and injured. Furthermore, according to my book Aggressive Hindutva Terrorism and Malegaon, Abrar is a Janus figure. He looks backward and regrets and when he looks forward he prepares ground for his defense, to save his skin. This he does by prevarication. He said that he had met Purohit on October 22, 2006 and then subsequently denied it.(2) A reporter who interviewed him in November 2012 refused to rule out that he is a bluff who mislead everyone. The pivot on which this approach rests is that the ATS may have used him to frame innocent Muslims (supposed to be 11) and then played a double game of framing him ultimately. This raises a serious question as to whether the ATS and Raj Vardhan Sinha prepared a parallel plot. This would mean the Hindutva terrorists planned to bomb Malegaon 2006 and 2008, Samjhauta Express February 2007, Mecca mosque May 2007, Ajmer 2007. The police in Malegaon and the ATS of Maharashtra gave a cover and also diverted the investigation to shield the Hindutva terrorists. This is evident even in the latest situation. First Judge YD Shinde of MCOCA court in Mumbai did not entertain Abrar’s affidavit of April 18, 2009 in which he had mentioned such details. Then he gave interview to The Week which startled the NIA but they stalled the investigation because it was beyond their power as the case of 2006 impinges upon 2008 in Malegaon where the army is involved. As if that is not enough the chief of ATS KP Raghuvanshi and Subodh Kumar Jaiswal both are directly involved. What is even worse for the government the cover up of Abrar if it could be called that also includes the secret plan of removing Hemant Karkare who ultimately fell victim to that. But circumstancing it to Malegaon alone there is enough trouble for all. One, Abrar had reportedly received 65 lakh rupees from the master mind of the terrorist organization in Mumbai. [see the facsimile of Urdu Times, October 16, 2006] With this booty in the dickey of his brand new Hero Honda he rode to Malegaon from Mumbai crossing the terrain that covers 300 kilometers. (3)That astronomical amount to the cash starved accused comes in the wake of huge amount of money Mahesh Patodiya allegedly withdrew from Mamco bank in Malegaon. The sorry state of investigation has come to such a pass that the moment Abrar accused the ATS boss Raghuvanshi and Subodhkumar Jaiswal even the NIA threw the spanner in the work. The Ministry of Home Affairs also is complicit in this as it is in its reluctance to expose its own special director Rajendra Kumar in Ishrat Jahan fake encounter. In the Malegaon case the situation would demand handcuffing of ATS boss as a conspirator along with now the joint secretary at cabinet secretariat Subodh Kumar Jaiswal. This is beyond the competence of any court in India to order hence the need for trial by an international body of jurists. The report in the paper says that Abrar enticed others to join in the plot saying that it would be a minor explosion that would frighten the people but not injure or kill them. It would only cause stampede. But the crucial point is that the report written on October 15, 2006 contextualizes what was taking place in Malegaon and would take place later. For example at this precise time middle of October 2006 just over a month after the blasts the police had called for questioning three doctors, obviously Salman Farsi, Farog Magdume, and one more. The first two doctors were arrested later and were put in prison for more than 5 years. This at the instance of Abrar! He played mischief with them by giving their names to police. This surely is perjury and punishable with even death penalty. A day before on October 14, 2006 many agitated people went to his house and complained against what Abrar had done. His family felt humiliated but assured that they would be through with him on that issue. The people were disturbed at his sell out of his millat, community. But the gravamen of the circumstancing is that a day before DGP PS Pasricha had remarked in Delhi that the police had caught the man behind the explosions of bombs in Malegaon (supposedly Abrar) but he did not name him. This had greatly perturbed the native people because they rightly feared that Abrar had certainly named those Muslims whom the police had been calling to police stations for questioning. This milieu led to hypertension in the people that innocents would be framed is imminent. That came true. Such strong was the conviction among the people that they remained steadfast in this for all the years that their innocent young men were languishing in jail. That was the main reason why they organized a sit in for years together. Raghuvanshi put pressure on the accused to dissociate with the movement of sit ins in the city. This corroborates his guilty behavior. The Janta Dal leader Nihal Ahmad knew this well and hence the police were with loggerheads with him. He was behind the sit ins. ------- (1) All the quotes are sourced from http://www.manoramaonline.com/cgi-bin/MMOnline.dll/portal/ep/theWeekContent.do?contentId=12855615&programId=1073755753&tabId=13&BV_ID=@@@&categoryId=-189461 (2) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-12-03/india/35570204_1_malegaon-blast-lt-col-prasad-purohit-maharashtra-ats NIA puzzled as Malegaon blast witness flip-flops - Times Of India (3) Urdu times October 16, 2006. Chapter 10 “From the day of my arrest [on May 7, 2003] till today I am in custody without any relief [and no trial]” That is what he wrote in the third week of September 2013 in a letter home for the world to know what he has suffered. Muzammil Akhtar Abdul Rahim Ansari of Malegaon was arrested on May 7, 2003 for local train blasts at Mulund, Mumbai on March 13, 2003. He has been languishing in the Thane Jail without his case making any progress in the court. Aged 26 at the time of his arrest he is now 37. He has not been given even five minutes to visit his house even for attending the funeral of his sister. Shahenaz Akhtar lived with her brother in a room next to his in Kurla, Mumbai. Muzammil shared his room with boys and she with girls. She would cook and call him through the window and both would sit together and eat like they did at home in their native town. On the day the police arrested him from his office of Agog Pharma Company in Vasai New Bombay she had kept the food ready but he did not come and she went hungry. She called home and they told her that he was sick in hospital. She continued teaching in school without even remotest though that she would ever see his face in her life again. For months on end the family sustained her with the excuse. She pined for him and beseeched to let her know the name of the hospital so she could go and see him. Even her mother was not told the truth. She too lived with anxiety and pain that her first born was in hospital. Months passed and then they came to know that he had been arrested on what turned out to be false charge of terrorism. Shahenaz’s soul traumatized with shock because she knew her brother was by no means what the police described. Their mother could not bear it and lost sleep and could not shut the lids of her eyes while weeping and crying and sighing all the time. She even almost lost her vision as she could not shut the eyes and could not recognize her other children. However impaired in vision she slightly recovered. The sister could not meet her brother nor could the mother her son. Shahenaz could not bear the loss and died in grief three years later. Both the sources of income stopped. The family fought at two fronts: ailment of the daughter and the legal battle which had begun even before the trial started. More than ten years have passed it has not begun even this late. On May 14, 2003 the ATS presented him in court where for the first time he was told that he was arrested for the Mulund blast on the local train. Till then he was given third degree torture. In the long incarceration Muzammil was stupefied for a long time but then realized that he owes an existential obligation to his life. He also used right to information act to collect facts about the circumstances of his arrest and what the police had done. He was implicated in POTA Special Case No 02/03. It consists of three cases: (1) Mulund bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 21/03 (2) Vile Parle bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 09/03 (3) Mumbai Centra bomb blast vide DCB-CID CR No 59/03. The police have simply forsaken him for good as they have failed to frame charges against him till today. In all 16 people were accused in the Special Case No 02/03. Almost all except him have been either discharged or given bail. All have been falsely implicated. The police have prepared charge sheet in which according to him the evidence is fabricated and concocted. From his cell in the prison he now wants the world to know how the evidence is fabricated and concocted so that another agency now the National Investigation Agency should conduct a fresh investigation because he believes that he is innocent. He has enumerated several grounds on which NIA should take the case for reinvestigation. First, different police officers have been appointed as Investigation Officer (IO) for the three cases mentioned above. But it is absolute truth according to him that only Rakesh Maria who was in charge of the Crime Branch till the death of Hemant Karkare investigated his case. This is unlawful for the designated three officers never took the case in their hands. Maria now ATS chief carried the day with him as he is awfully influential and resourceful in the Maharashtra government says Muzammil based on his empirical observation. He is filled with apprehension that these police officers will thwart his case from being transferred to NIA. Once in the beginning their father had gone to see his son at Crawford Market police station. He was detained and put in prison for a week. During that time the police undressed him and brought Muzammil there and told Muzammil to confess that he planted the bomb or else his mother and sister would also be disrobed similarly and abused. Sensing the humiliating proximity of his father and his sister not far from there he wept and wept and signed his fate. It was in his fate that he would be in prison for more than ten years and he an innocent! Second, Maria had also investigated POTA Special Case No 01/03 which deals with bomb blast in a bus at Ghatkoper railways station. All the accud in that case have been discharged. One of the reasons for Muzammil’s arrest was that he had a talk with Dr Mateen of Aurangabad who was the main accused. The police could not prove it. Another accused in the case was Khwaja Yunus who was beaten so much that he vomited blood, Dr Mateen wrote to the court that he would not survive the blood vomiting. Later Khwaja Yunus was taken out and mysteriously killed by inspector Sachin Vaze of ATS and his body was never found. Third, in the Karjat bound local train there was a bomb blast at 7.56 pm on March 13, 2003 as the train was entering Mulund. The police say that Muzammil was identified to be present in the train as it left CST or VT terminus. This is concocted for his phone record shows that he was in Kurla at his rooms at 7. 56 on March 13, 2003. The police have included a page of the phone record in the charge sheet that is simply doctored as can be seen in the photo copy. Its sequential order even does not show any sense of chronology let alone the facts. That proves the fabrication of evidence. This doctoring was done to hide the location. He was in Kurla and not at CST or in the train. Fourth, one of the witnesses says that he saw Muzammil put a bag and while doing it he accidentally let a bag of another passenger fall down from the rack that led to a quarrel. How could he be there when he was actually at his Kurla rooms? Fifth, the police have manipulated the eye witness statement by inserted “supplements” [purawni]. The Page numbers have been tampered with to implicate him falsely. He has attached sections of this tampering in the letter a copy of which is with this writer. Sixth, if one of the eye witnesses gave details of 4 persons who planted the bomb on the train of which Muzammil was one, and then who are the remaining three. Why is there no mention of them? How does this corroborate with the facts. Seventh, the charge sheet does not say who procured the explosives and how they were transported to CST. Where from the explosives were sourced is also left out from the investigation as it is not given in the charge sheet. There is not even the remotest possibility of Muzammil doing it for he lived with those including his sister he would not do any such thing. It is also unthinkable that he would continue to live there when other blasts also shook the city and he attending his office for two months as if nothing had happened! Eighth, Zahid Patni is one of the accused in POTA Special Case No 1/04. Patni who also became approver never retracted from his confession. He also said that he was behind the Mulund blast. But neither Patni nor anyone from his group has been charged for the Mulund blast. Ninth, in the Vile Parle bomb blast case two witnesses identified Muzammil who they said had parked the cycle on which the bomb was placed. The other person accused in this case is one Yusuf, a wanted accused. The two witnesses are friends and they met at Vile Parle but went to buy vegetables where they saw Muzammil parking the cycle and there was an altercation with some people there over parking. The vegetable market is so crowded and busy that it is impossible to park cycle there. Moreover the witness statement was recorded on May 22, 2003. It was got-up witness, an afterthought. Tenth, Muzammil wears dark specs all through those years and now as can be seen in this set of two photos with his fellow students. The sketch of the suspected bomber given by the police shows him to be wearing no spectacles. . Muzammil Eleventh, the cycle shop owner who had repaired the cycle, particularly paddles and the rim, gave a statement which was completely changed afterward. Why? Twelfth, the charge sheet is silent about the other bomb planter at Vile Parle. Muazmmil was nowhere near Vile Parle at that time. The person whose phone numbers are given as 9892469942 and 9892183615 here is the wanted Yusuf aka Janab. As a co planter he was nowhere there as can be seen from his phone record. Thirteenth, Muzammil was arrested from his office on May 7, 2003. But his colleague gave statement that he was arrested on 14th. Everyone in his office knows the truth that he was taken away on 7th. That shows how the police tutored his colleague to give false witness. It is as false as the colleague saying that the police had come to office on May 13 to make inquiry about Muzammil. Why should this give statement 44 days after his illegal detention and 5 months after the bomb blast! More puzzling is that the same colleague also said that he had seen Muzammil near the site of the blast! Fourteenth, the police have said in their record that the co accused Yusuf met Muzammil in the clinic of Dr Wahid on January 22nd and 23rd, 2003 and they decided to meet at 6.30 pm on January 27th 2003 near Vile Parle railway station or near Bus Stop No 312. The police say that Muzammil was waiting for Yusuf when the colleague named Rohit saw him there. Rohit asked him what he was doing there. Muzammil told him he was waiting for someone, Rohit went away. At 7 to 7.30 on January 27th Yusuf came there and according to police version gave Muzammil a bag and told him there was a bomb in it. It weighed 5 kilo. It was destined to blow at Vile Parle. Then the two went to the vegetable market close to the railway station. There he showed a cycle on the left side of the road and told Muzammil to hang the bag containing the bomb from the handle of the cycle. After having done so, as the police narration continues, he boarded bus no 330 and went back to his rooms in Kurla. Next day Muzammil read in the paper that the bomb had gone off there. The police claim this to have been the fact according to Muzammil in his confession which has been certified by the deputy commissioner of police. This confession was obtained through excruciating circumstances as shown earlier. Muzammil writes in his letter on it: “It is impossible for me to meet wanted accused Yusuf on 22nd or 23 rd January 2003 at/in Dr Wahid Ansari’s clinic, as Dr Wahid’s Clinic does not exist on 22nd or 23 January 2003. Since Dr Wahid has acquired his Clinic at D’Souza Nagar in March 2003. “Thus, when the said clinic at D’souza Nagar of Dr Wahid was acquired in March 2003, how I shall visit the Clinic on 22nd or 23rd January 2003.” In support of his claim Muzammil gives a photo copy which is shown on page no 1125 of the charge sheet. Furthermore, there is no call exchanged between him and Yusuf or Dr Wahid before March 2003 as is shown in the phone call record of Muzammil no 98921906506. For the first time Muzammil talked to Dr Wahid was on April 5th 2003. The phone record of Yusuf’s 9892469942 shows him to be at Mumbra and not at D’Souza Nagar at6.30 to 8.30 pm on January 27th 2003 which is the day and time of the incident of explosion at Vile Parle where one person died and 25 were injured. The exact time of the incident is 8.30 pm Monday January 27, 2003. Thus in all probability Yusuf is a police informer used in falsely implicating Muzammil in the Vile Parle case. Chapter 11 Because they were Muslims they were framed in false terror charges --a non communal approach Extremist groups like Abhinav Bharat and RSS and its affiliates took lead in planting bombs and sourcing RDX from government stock in army A cool logical review of terrorism cases down the last twenty five years shows that in a majority of cases of terrorism Muslim youths have been framed. Unless driven to the wall in a desperate situation devoid of hope of survival and police bias against them as well as police complicity in the crimes against them and the situation beggaring the resources of their legitimate self defense that the Muslims would think of taking to terrorism. On the contrary the Hindutva terrorism is aggressive and based on tacit support of the police and even the army and is paranoid in reaction. Malegaon was again in the news as the seventh anniversary of the blasts in graveyard mosque and Mushawarat chowk was being marked on 8th September 2013and the passing of the seven years and more of the arms seizure leave no sign of hope or resolution of the case. The three cases of terrorism of which one is called arms seizure case of 9th May 2006, first bomb blasts of 8th September 20006 and the second of 29th September 2008 illustrate very amusing disregard of logic in dealing with terrorism. These three cases and the 7/11 local train case, etc, have one theme that recurs. There was arms seizure in three places: Malegaon, Ankai and Aurangabad-Verul road side temple on 9th May 2006. The Anti Terrorism Squad says the RDX seized in these places was very huge and the remnant of it went to the blasts in the local trains in Mumbai on 11th July 2006 and also in the blasts in Malegaon 2006. One of the 9 accused and sometimes approver Abrar Ahmad accused that the police had forced him to implicate innocent Muslims in the smuggling of saman or RDX into the city. Thus five Muslims from Malegaon Dr Sharif Shabbir Ahmad, Afzal Khan Nabi Khan, Mushtaque Ahmad Mohammad Ishaque, Javid Ahmad Abdul Majid and Riyaz Ahmad Mohammad Ramzan were arrested in the arms seizure and several others including Mohammad Ali Sheikh and Firoz Khan and 7 of Malegaon were arrested for 2006 blasts in Malegaon. These last two were also implicated in the 7/11 blasts. The ATS had information that two cars, Indica No.MH 20-U 1240 and Tata Sumou No. MH-13X4380 were carrying arms and RDX on the way from Pimpalgaon to Malegaon and Aurangabad. There were five boxes in the Indica and 10 in Tata Sumou. The size of the boxes of brown colour were Height 1 foot, 11 inches Breadth 2 feet 7 inches Length 2 feet 7 inches It would be impossible for five boxes to be put in the Indica much more impossible to put the arms and ammunition into the server within the cartons. It is also unresolved why the ATS has so far failed to produce the Indica in the court as proof. It was recovered from a deserted place on the outskirts of Malegaon. The owners of Indica have also said that it was not rented from them. Dr Sharif’s phone No 9226701250 call records of 9th May 2006 shows zero in coming call from Bilal Ahmad 9850019310. In the same way of the same time there is no outgoing call from Bilal to Sharif. Except this the prosecution has not shown any contact between the two. Sharif and Bilal phone call records So the purported message of Bilal to Sharif that Sharif should help Amir bhai makes no sense. The message reads; amirbhai musibat maen hai police uska peecha kar rahi hai. Indica car mein computer aur saman hai. Us ko madad karo. “Amir bhai is in trouble. The police are shadowing him. There are computers and samans [weapons and RDX] in the computer. Help him.” Zabiudin Ansari (Abu Jindal) was at Pimpalgaon and he travelled to Malegaon in the Indica and left the car with Sharif who transferred the consignment of the five cartons in a rickshaw and drove to the electric shop of Abdullah. If the cartons could not be adjusted in Indica with three men riding in it how could they be loaded into an ordinary rickshaw with two men aboard? How come there is no record of their having paid octroi duty when the box would have been so protruding and visible to the staff of the octroi post! The ATS did not do panchnama at the Abdullah shop nor did it arrest the owner although the said consignment was recovered from his shop. Furthermore the ATS brought two witnesses from Mumbai. That is clearly violation of the rules which makes it necessary to make panchnama or registration of the crime or seizure in the presence of the neighbours. A more astounding feature is that Zabiuddin was a police informer and he is reputed to have unearthed the biggest arms haul for the police in a decade. How come then that he trapped Sharif and others and to what end? (1). Why did he abandon the Indica in Malegaon and travel to Aurangabad in a state transport bus? Between Pimpalgaon and Malegaon as well as between Pimpalgaon and Aurangabad the ATS had several check points and traffic barriers so why did they not stop the cars? The police could have easily stopped the cars and seized the arms and arrested the people within the cars. Even if the cars were speeding fast they could send messages to their other check posts and have the cars stopped searched and seized. Of other accused there is the case of Asif Basheer Khan. The police said that he stored the RDX in his house in Mira Road, Thane. This was part of the same RDX that the two cars were carrying. Asif is accused of supplying the RDX which went in the blasts in Malegaon 2006 and the serial train attacks of the same year in Mumbai in July. The accused in the arms haul cases and even the local train blasts cases have had no contact either on their phone or through email with each other. Therefore the arms haul case is bogus. The 2006 blasts in Malegaon have turned out to be the work of Hindutva terrorists and the police have arrested Rajndra Chowdhary, Lokesh Sharma, Amit, and Manohar Singh. These belong to the Sunil Joshi module hence logically speaking it should be the Hindutva group/s that must be behind the source of the RDX that was used in Malegaon 2006, Mumbai July 2006 blasts. It was about handling and bringing it in Malegaon that ASP Raj Vardhan Sinha wanted to be recorded in such a way that Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid should be framed. Sinha not only got Abrar record the conversation on his phone [that was provided by Sinha] but he also played the recording for Lt Col Prasad Purohit to listen in Jagtap farm house in Nasik in September 2006.(2) As Sinha used Abrar so did the ATS used the police agent from Beed, Jabi or Zabiuddin Ansari to trap fellow Muslims in the transport of the RDX and the weapons on May 9, 2006. The police has also bungled in investigation and botched up the cases. It follows the inductive logic premise: A. Arms haul case is fake. B. Blasts in local trains were carried out with the remnant RDX of May 2006 arms haul vintage. C. Therefore the serial blasts case is also bogus. The concluding inference of the syllogism will show that other terrorist modules were involved in the blasts in which innocent Muslims were arrested in for ferrying the RDX and arms. There are two other reasons why the people arrested in these cases were innocent. They were framed by the police. (A) The affidavit of Shakeel Ahmad Mohammad Yusuf of Malegaon clearly indicates it. Shakeel is employed in joining warp threads on power looms which is a humble roving job. He executed an affidavit on November 20, 2006. He states that he went to buy a bicycle on May 14, 2006 at 3.30 from Santosh cycle mart. There was the son of the owner Pius Agarwal at the counter. “I bought a new cycle in the name of my brother with receipt no 2635. After the bargain was over and the cycle was being fitted I sat inside the shop. There was a phone call on Pius’ mobile. First there was a coded interaction then somebody spoke in Hindi . “‘Whatever material we had put in the well near Ankai hillock was lifted in the presence of Rajwardhan[ ASP Raj Verdhan Sinha]. And whatever list of names we had given to Rajwardhan I had a face to face talk with him over it. All the names have been fitted in the setting completely and every work has been accurately done. We will sit together and prepare further programme when we meet.’ Because I had read in newspapers about the seizure of arms and RDX from near Ankai hillock I asked him what his relation is with the seizure of arms from there. You were just now talking about it. He was surprised greatly. He asked me whether I was listening to their talk. Then he said in hurry that it was their personal matter they were talking. “Then he told me that if I would wait there his father would come and prepare and give me the bill. After saying this he left the shop. His father came after 15 minutes and prepared the bill and handed it to me. “When the bombs exploded in the graveyard [in Malegaon on September 8, 2006] and I came to know through newspapers that the cycle on which the blast was carried out was bought from his shop I felt that the son of the owner may be involved in it. “I went to the ASP Anil Kumbhar along with MLA Shaikh Rashid and gave all this information to him. But I realized that no action was taken on the information I had given. “Therefore I am stating this fact without any greed or under any pressure to help the police investigate the matter and the real culprits are caught.” (B) The other is a set of technical details that create doubt about the arms haul case vis-à-vis bomb blasts of 2006. Why did Sinha record the transport of saman or RDX and arms on the phones of Abrar and implicate Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid? Purohit had stolen 60 kg of RDX from the army stock. What did he do with the huge stock apart from giving a few kilos to Bhagwan for Samjahuta Express explosions? Why did the police not seize Indica immediately when it was moving around the city of Malegaon for three days? Purohit says that he kept his senior informed about what he was doing. But the army refused to name that officer, why? (3) In the larger context of terrorism in India it is relevant to note that Purohit was in touch with Dyanand Pandey as the latter was in contact with Bhupender Singh and Rajive Sharma. Both were members of Bajrang Dal who had blown themselves up in Kanpur on August 24, 2008. Such was the terrific explosion that the senior most police officer there remarked that there was so much of RDX that it would have blown half of Kanpur to smithereens! Quite true in view of the fact that in addition to 60 kilos of RDX from the army Purohit must have also sourced the explosives from Shanker Shelke in a village not far from Pune and much closer to the artillery cantonment of Ahmedager who had 195 kilos of it when he committed suicide soon after 2006 Malegaon blasts. The police commissioner of Thane at that time who knew Ahmednager had said that the Malegaon blasts were connected to the arms of haul from Shelke’s scrap-yard. First Shelke disappeared after the blasts and two days later hanged himself. Or was it murder? Purohit has also been engaged in camouflaging the reign of terror he and his associates had unleashed on Muslims. He got the name of Venkatesh Takalki changed to Praveen Mutalik to avoid detection. He had asked Tkalki to surf the net on bomb making. Purohit used different groups of RSS such as the Tigers in Karnataka. (4) Thus the handling of huge amount of RDX circa 2006 and 2008 was done by the Hindutva terrorists and not the Muslims. Muslims had to be framed in false terror charges to camouflage what the Hindutva groups were doing. The police in Malegaon played a proactive role against the Muslims. They arrested five from Malegaon in the arms haul case. The details point out that Zabiuddin played a dominant role in the arms haul although he was a police informer. It was he at the Sumou Tata. Aamir introduced the inmates of the Indica to him and called him Zabiuddin. Thereafter Zabiuddin took over the command operation. He told Mujaffar driver of Indica to follow the Sumou Tata. Three to four kilo meters from Pimpalgaon Zabiuddin gave hand to Indica drive to stop by the side of the road where a container of Aysher Company was parked. There were two men standing by the side of the container. It was again Zabiuddin who talked to them and then told them to unload 10 to12cartons from the container into the Sumou. Then he told the driver Azim to drive towards Aurangabad. He got five cartons loaded into the Indica and got in the Indica and told Mujaffar to drive towards Malegaon. He also phoned Aamir how far they had traversed on the way to Aurangabad. At Malegaon Zabiuddin introduced the others in the car to Dr Sharif. He handed over the Indica to Dr Sharif and told him to keep the consignment at the entrance, RMO’s room, of the gate of Mansoora campus. He also told Mujaffar to go to Aurangabad by another bus while he took a separate bus to the same destination. From there he was reported to have fled to Bangla Desh. Thus a police informer played such crucial role in transport of the RDX and arms as he had done in unearthing the huge arms for India as reported by Hindustan Times. In Malegaon a more questionable role was played by Mufti Ismail who went to the midnight police conference and expressed his regret how the Muslims youths had brought shame to the community by their involvement in the arms haul. He was not a political leader then but in the next two assembly election he won consecutively. Many who oppose him politically like the editor of the local weekly Awami Awaz who recalled the mid night police conference: ‘There reached the liar, promise breaker, deceiver, who after more than seven years is expressing his regret at the arrest of the innocent in the arms haul case. He has now demanded that the innocent arrested should be given bail on deposit of money as security while the lawyers are preparing argument to show that they are innocent and should be acquitted. ” (5) It is a quandary that the mufti was so close to Sinha. When Sinha was transferred he wept at the departure so maudlin he was! He would reportedly carry the children of the cop to drop them at their school! He was also allegedly caught in the case of an unlicensed gun seized from his person at Deolali camp where Purohit stayed. As far as arms and RDX are concerned Purohit was definitely involved but in a letter to his superiors the intelligence officer at Jabalpur, Maj Bhagirath Dey, and the commanding officer of Southern Command liaison unit, Col Vinay Panchpore, Purohit has blamed Indresh Kumar to be behind the July 2008 Ahmadabad and Surat blasts. He wrote in the letter that Indresh Kumar is “instrumental in carrying out these actions.” (6)) ------- (1) Indian suspected of 26/11 role once worked for India. Hindustan Times 8th February 2010 Mumbai edition. (2) Abrar Ahmad’s affidavit submitted to MCOCA court on April 18, 2009. (3)Arrested Lieutenant Colonel revealed name of high-profile leader, TOI November 12, 2008 (4)CBI to quiz Aseemanand for Malegaon. Toi. 15-3-11 (5) Awaami Aawaz, Friday September 13, 2013 (6) http://www.outlookindia.com/printarticle.aspx?281471 The army named Lt Col B.P. Dhar, Captain Sood, Major D.P. Sudhir and Subedar Pawar in connection with Purohit but refused to name the others believed to more than a score. See link from Outlook magazine: Terrorist? Not Our Man His colleagues vouch for Lt Col Purohit in an army court. Yet questions remain. ‘I Infiltrated Abhinav Bharat, Did My Job, Kept Bosses In The Loop’ Purohit likewise claims to have forwarded Dey a handwritten letter on Oct 15, ’08. Chapter 12 Of Javed Mozawala Several scores of Muslim youths have languished in jail for years together and in the end they came out of prison as innocent accused in terror related charges. Some of them have even been killed through beating and water boarding or hanging like Khwaja Yunus and Shakeel Ahmad. There is strong probability that another accused sentenced on July 15, 2013 to seven years imprisonment is innocent, Javed Mozawala. The circumstances of the case show what even the session court admitted as “lapses” in the investigation.(1) For example the witness account looks as fabricated as in some other cases. According to the prosecution witness Fakir Ahmad Mansoor Ali, Javed had given envelops to him to be handed over to the Pakistani High Commission in Delhi. “These envelopes contained CDs, pen drives and hard discs on which information regarding defense installations and other infrastructure was stored.” There is no other official record of this with the Crime Branch of any previous or later such handing over of information. Why should Javed trust another person to carry sensitive matters concerning to of all countries, Pakistan? It is also worth noting that the court acquitted Mozawala under Section 120 B (criminal conspiracy) of the Indian Penal Code. The Pak High Commission employee Jamal and Abdu Latif Bhatti must have been contacted by any one in India for any official work. Why pick up only Javed? Even with the reservation in the court judgment it is a puzzled that the documents were in the hands of a person other than the accused. What if the other person was a police informer or a rival of the accused in the business of getting visa in favourable conditions? There could have also been trade jealousy. The reports in papers show that Javed could get visa earlier than others in the same trade. That does not prove his guilt other than buttressing the case of the prosecution. The judge also erred in calling the High Commission as Embassy: "Mozawala was in contact with the Pakistan Embassy (sic) and was getting visa-related work done from Jamal, who was found working under a fictitious name. He was in touch with Abdul on a cellphone number that was used only to contact him." What exactly was the nature and content of the talk on phone? Why did not the police furnish the conversation of Javed and the officials of Pak High Commission? There are many technical details which cannot be simply brushed under the carpet of national security because Javed Mozawala is a legitimate Indian citizen himself and has right to equality before law and protection. (A) If the phone numbers of the two Bhatti employees of the Pak HC were deactivated after their transfer to elsewhere Javed cannot be held responsible as his own phone was easily accessible for the police in Mumbai. (2) (B) The police and especially ATS are notorious for arresting people much earlier than the date of their record in appearance in court. For example Muzammil Akhtar was arrested on May 7, 2003 but presented in court on May 14. This is also the case of Lt Col Prasad Purohit and Sadhvi Pragya Singh. This structural mistake in their conduct of investigation cannot be held against any of the accused. So Javed was arrested on December 7, 2010 and the police claim that they arrested him on December 9th. Even if his family says in court that he did not sleep at home on 7th and 8th of December, will the court entertain it? Another hypothetical situation would be how could he prove that he was for example on work on those two days when he was actually under detention? The court should not have enmeshed itself in such a frivolous issue. The judge wrote in the 69 page judgment that Javed could have through “oral or documentary evidence” shown to be arrested on 7th. When Javed has contested that he was arrested on 7th that was enough for the court’s purpose. It is the police who have mentioned 9th December in their FIR. Why did not the court ask the police to account for the discrepancy? (3) If as the judge observed: "The documents, which are seized during the raid, are proved to be classified and dangerous to the nation's sovereignty, if placed in the hands of an enemy nation.” Which document he refers to, the ones got from Farkir Ahmad Mansoor Ali or a raid on the residence of Javed? It is known that the police have often planed incriminating documents which could not stand in the court of trial. If raid, then who were the panchas or witness from the neighbourhood that were present during the raid? And among the documents there was a booklet on how to escape on being spotted or suspected. Such a collection of tips in such a situation will easily land a person into the net of the agencies rather than avoid being suspected. The inventory of items would rather make one laugh rather than believe in them: “The crime branch had seized 42 pages with telephone and code numbers, eight pages of instructions on how to conduct secret operations and how Islamic groups exchange messages, 21 coloured photographs of defence establishments, bridges, dams and topographies of surrounding areas, 13 visa application forms for the Pakistan high commission, and 15 Indian passports.” Javed like Mohammad Shafi Afghani (sentenced 5 years in jail) had 21 photos of vital installations. If Javed had really such photos taken by him and not planted and yet the court absolves him of conspiracy then there more questions raised than any answered. If there existed no conspiracy then the above mentioned items seized would be rather got-up evidence and cannot be true. Fortunately no attacks so far have taken place and yet the courts are seized with panic. The agencies are going overboard with such matters. His family and defense lawyers have claimed that what was presented as evidence was easily available on the net.(4) Why would either the Pakistanis supply such matters or he provide them or keep with him? A much more convincing proof is the truthful emotion in the court scene. It was a cataclysmic shock that shook Javed as it did later Himayat Baig in the Pune German Bakery case. Both wept and cried and were shaken and were overwhelmed by the calamity that had visited them. Javed fell to his knees with folded hands while his brother tried to comfort him and his mother tried to reason with the judge. The court was packed to the full capacity and the milieu was hushed up as if spell bound. His agonized cries in the court rising in a crescendo and his realization of his wife and children’s condition drove him to despair though it was only seven years of rigorous imprisonment. (5) His emotions match Himayat Baig who also wept profusely when the judge sentenced him to death on April 18, 2013. There is another similarity of the two cases. They show the failure of the systems when it comes to Muslims as Ashish Khetan and PT Tufail recount the miscarriage of justice in the case of Himayat Baig: “This is in fact the story of how the whole system—the police, the political executive and the criminal courts–is dehumanizing, criminalizing and crippling an entire generation of Muslim youth. This is a story that shakes your faith in the idea of India: the idea that minorities have equal rights and status as the majority; that poor Muslims too, if they aspire, can dig themselves out of the abyss of backwardness; that everyone is guaranteed the constitutional right to a fair trial; that the criminal courts are neutral dispensers.”(6) In fact Javed and Baig have fallen victim of the carefully crafted policy of keeping them within the “abyss of backwardness”. ------- (1) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-07-17/mumbai/40634839_1_visa-agent-pakistan-embassy-jamal-bhatti (2) (3)http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mozawala-convicted-of-spying-sentenced-to-seven-years-in-jail/1142439/0 (4) http://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/mumbai-court-jails-isi-agent-for-seven-years-25109.html (5) http://www.mumbaimirror.com/mumbai/crime/Pak-spy-from-Mazgaon-gets-seven-years-in-jail/articleshow/21092471.cms (6) http://gulail.com/the-people-of-the-abyss/ Chapter 13 Deconstructing the confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy The deputy commissioner of police Zone IX Niket Kaushik took down the confession of Mansoor Peerbhoy on 15 and 17 October2008 and got it signed by the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate SN Chindhamberkar. One of the questions put to him was “Why are you making a confession?” Mansoor replied: “I wish to tell the truth.” The next question and its reply give away the real truth. “Do you want anybody to be present when you give your confessional statement?” Truly speaking an uninhibited and casual reply would be based on our dictum which says: Let truth prevail. In real terms the victim would like others to be present and see that what he replies is made public or allow the public to know it. But strangely Mansoor replied “No.” His negative reply indicates that he was constrained to say so or what is worse the confession was a foregone affair and he had only to sign wherever the interrogator told him to. In contrast to this the threatening and taunting email sent before and after the blasts in Ahmadabad, Delhi and other places bears the hall mark of the letter and phone call that the Hindutva terrorists made and sent the next day of the blasts on 8 September 2008 in Malegaon. The caller in Malegaon contextualizes the attack that it was made by the Sangh Parivar and more explosions are on the way if the Muslims do not leave India and the Jamiatul Ulema does not stop being smart. The email sent to media on impending blasts in Delhi reads: ““Blasts in green zone in Delhi—stop them if you can.” (At that time, as Mohammad @Iqbal Bhatkal was in Mangalore, ASif@Haroon went to Mangalore, got the dictation for mail from iqbal there and we prepared the final draft in Pune.” Mansoor wanted the first part dealing with threat to be kept but denied the clause in the parenthesis. This could not be the brain child of Mansoor. Somebody must have prepared the confession beforehand and decided to remove the parenthetical clause. Reading between the lines anyone can say that the rejected clause would have increased the burden of the investigative agencies to support it by verification and arguing in the court of law. Hence, the inference, that the denial was ipso facto. Furthermore being a well paid person through the company pay packet and also reimbursement of 70,000 for the course of learning hacking, it is unthinkable that they (here specifically Mansoor) would buy a lap top for Mubeen at the instance of Iqbal Bhatkal. It is improbable. That the Google paid him the expenses of the course in Hyderabad is an established truth. Therefore Iqbal Bhatkal has no locus standi. Hemant Karkare was the chief of Anti Terrorism Squad during this period. He was perplexed by the excellent family and cultural background of Mansoor. He could not believe that such a prodigious boy would so demean himself to terror activities. Thus the charge sheet saying that he and the alleged accomplices had the intention of "waging war against India, to shake the faith of common citizens by large scale violence" is improbable to say the least. Nothing has shaken the faith of the commonalty as far as blasts are concerned. If anyone is worked up over it, it is only the Hindutva groups. To reflect focus from them these inflated charges could be made. As a former ATS officer said of the lap top of Dyanand Panedy recording: “Listen to the tapes and you’ll understand why these men should be charged with sedition and waging war against the state.”1 Comparing the confession of Mansoor with the above quoted remark shows that if at all there was conspiracy it was not on the part of Mansoor. The Peerbhoy family is not like the families of criminals be they terrorists or not. They are intelligent and articulated. Even Mansoor’s brother Alim has this much IQ to say the probable: "Mansoor can't be a terrorist. He works for about 15 hours a day. Where would he get time for terrorist activities? Even if he did send these e-mails, he must have been made to do so by other people without him having any knowledge of such terrorist intentions."2 So the crux of the problem is how to go to the logical end of proving what Karkare wanted but was cut down in his track to unearth the full extent of “politics of terrorism” as he referred in his last interview to Indian Express called Smily farewell. Earlier he had remarked “What does one make of these men? Look at their backgrounds. Their academic excellence can put one to shame.”3 Karkare could not himself be ashamed of such stuff of what men of integrity and honesty and intelligence are made of, specifically Mansoor and Subhan he meant. It was for those who wrongfully arrest the innocent Muslims and framed them in bogus terror charges. 1.(Hindutva terror’s deep roots exposedMail Today 18 July 2010) 2.(http://www.indianexpress.com/news/peerbhoy-s-brother-to-be-made-a-witness/424969/) 3. http://www.tehelka.com/tag/mansoor-peerbhoy/ December 19, 2013 Chapter 14 Will framing of innocent Muslims in terror charges ever end? Terrorism was always there before independence and after 1947. But playing politics with terrorism is relatively recent phenomenon. VD Savarkar had supplied guns in the opening decade of the twentieth century to kill not just in one case but several from the killing of the collector of Nasik to Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi. Framing innocent also predates Crucifixion. However today it is the infiltration of the Hindutva sympathizers in the police and army as well as judiciary that is causing havoc with our polity. The future is bleak as can be gauged from the case of Shakeel Moinuddin Sheikh. Sometimes back he had complained to the DN Nagar police in Andheri, Mumbai, that he feared how two mosques could be vandalized. On January29, 2014 some miscreants went to his flat in Archana housing society in Juhu lane [gully] and threatened him of serious consequences. He reported the matter to the police. Senior inspector Dilip Shinde along with 20 lady police and many others in civilian dress went to the area. By then a crowd had gathered there. Shinde dispersed the crowd. But the next day he took a large contingent of police and threatened him of serious consequences. On the pretext of searching his flat Shinde planted a gun into the house. He then challenged Sheikh to call as many media people as he would. He would now give Sheikh taste of the matter of mosque and temple. “My name is Shinde” he added.1 He detained him. Sheikh approached Abu Azmi of Samajwadi Party who called on the chief minister Pruthviraj Chavan. Senior inspector Rajendra and ACP Dhinedhar recorded Sheikh’s complaint and allowed him to leave. He gave in writing the facts to CP Rakesh Maria who ordered inquiry. As a result the authorities suspended Shinde from the police service. There were others who were arrested but later they were released. If the matter had not gone to the chief minister and the commissioner of police and Shine had his day the fate of Sheikh would have been doomed. And very likely multiple bogus cases of terrorism or possession of unlicensed gun would have been slapped. That is what happened in scores of cases like Hyderabad 2007 blasts in the Mecca mosque. An enlightened citizenry and law agency can check the rot from spreading. In addition all the multiple cases slapped against individuals must be tried at one place in successive days so that truth would come to light at the earliest. Fahim Ansari has been acquitted in 26/11 is not all that important than the fact that the police played proactive role as they did in Malegaon. They framed innocent Muslims in terrorism charges. What about punishing the cops and the sleuths? Acquittal in just one case enthused Yasmeen wife of Fahim so much how boosting it would be if all the cases of her husband are resolved? “The High Court verdict depicts different pictures of Muslims contrary to what is perceived and presented. We are not terrorists and Indian Muslims never supported any terrorist act either within the country or by Pakistan. It also strengthens our faith in the judicial system of our country.” 2 She remarked that her husband is totally innocent and would prove his innocence in the January 1, 2008 attack on the CRPF at Rampur. About her daughter Iqra (11) she says whenever she hears “Fahim Ansari’s acquittal she asked when Abbu will return and I feel very sorry for her that I can’t answer this question.” Her interview reveals if the government is positive it will discourage framing of innocent people. Yasmeen remarked the government in Maharashtra was different although home minister RR Patil had said that his government would appeal in the SC. It is a key factor in preventing wrongful arrest of innocent. The government attitude should be encouraging to check the bogus cases being slapped against the helpless and indigent people. She also spoke about how the defense lawyers react. “Honestly, when we saw him [Shahid Azmi] initially, we did not believe in him he was so young and inexperienced but when he started talking to us we felt that we are at the right place. He never asked for his fees and gave us hope that Fahim will be acquitted if he is innocent. Whereas before Adv. Shahid, we met many big criminal lawyers but they said if you have lakhs of rupees then only come otherwise pray because Fahim cannot get even bail.” The last hurdle calls for some kind of fund raised by government to let the innocent fight their cases rather than the NGOs. After all the accused happen to be well educated and have had no aversion for their country. They were aggrieved intensely and at time broken but they still had hope for justice. This also could check the framing of innocents in future. It was indomitable case with12,850-page charge sheet against Fahim and Sabauddin. It reflects a lot on the agencies as Judge ML Tahilyani dismissed the case for no evidence against the two. The case needs further vetting. How could Fahim be arrested in Rampur, UP, with a hand drawn map of Mumbai and still be in the jail of that far away place at the time when the 26/11 took place. It speaks volumes what Shahid Azmi asked the police: “If the map was found in the pocket of a slain terrorist, why wasn’t it soiled or stained?” Ordinary innocent people are not cut out for such improbabilities. Public must be vigilant against such clap trap in courtrooms. Another improbability is how come the police could not convince the court as to whose bullet killed Karkare and Salaskar. Ajmal Kasab’s confession that he had killed the two was not convincing. 3 The judge must have been laughing in his sleeves that perhaps someone else’s bullet killed them! With such improbabilities causing no chance of raising heckles shows that the public mood was not sensitive about the court proceedings. Public memory is also transcient. PC Hasan Gafoor had said that Rakesh Maria had avoided front line duty. But the new book The Siege makes out that Maria was seething with anger when Gafoor ordered Maria to remain at his post and not to go and interrogate injured Kasab. Ram Pradhan Commission criticized the police for its being faction riddled. It implies that a faction was responsible for cover up by implicating innocent Muslim youths like Fahim and Sabauddin even before the attacks on 26/11 took place. Aristotle has held the view that improbable possibility is the stuff of tragedy. In India such a current instance is that of the Malaysian flight MH 370. There was no flight movement towards this country and yet an India Pakistan and US interlocutor Strobe Talbott feels that Lashkar-e-Taiyba has a Jumbo-Jet-Room exclusively devoted to design such an aerial attack. To IB and R&AW it was a god send for their pass time of hunting till yesterday- non-existent Indian Mujahideen. Despite the readymade repertoire of a long listing and simultaneously ever changing IM boss this hypothesis planted now would have sufficient fertilizer spread through the media. Mufti Sufiyan of Haren Pandya assassination, Maulana Umarji of Godhra conspiracy, Faheem Ansari of 26/11 and now the slot is waiting to be filled up. That is what premeditated blaming is all about. It was enough to plant: “Malaysia plane mystery: Direction, fuel load & range now lead some to suspect hijackers planned a 9/11-type attack on an Indian city.”4 In a related matter the Chabbad House/Nariman House Rabi Gavriel and wife Rivaka had bought more than a hundred kilos of chicken and hundreds of bottles of wine just on the eve of 26/11is improbable possibility given the scanty inmates is conveniently brushed under carpet by the sleuths. Failed attempt of flight MH 370 would be transformed into real. Wait. Is Yaseen B listening? 1.Inqulab March 1, 2014. 2. http://twocircles.net/2011feb22/fahim_ansari_thanked_god_after_acquittal_2611.html 3 http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main44.asp?filename=Ne150510missing_pieces.asp 4 http://www.rediff.com/news/report/talbotts-tweet-let-has-major-plans-to-attack-india-from-the-skies/20140316.htm?pos=1&src=NL20140317&isnlp=0&isnlsp=0 Chapter 15 The imbroglio that is Batla House, Bhatkal town, and Pune German Bakery blasts… On March 3, 2014 it came in the open that the defense counsel in the German Bakery blast case Mehmud Pracha received death threats on his phone on February 25, 2014. There were more than two dozen international calls when the case was being heard in Arthur Road Jail court. This speaks of the extent of Hindutva forces overseas behind terrorism. There are significant numbers of Indians of Hindutva group that have a stake in turning India as a Hindu nation. For them as well as for the deshi Hindutva groups only Muslims are terrorists and for all acts of terrorism only Muslims should be stigmatized. Hindus only react. Their reaction is not act of terrorism. In tandem with the Hindutva Diaspora supporting extremism and terrorism in India there are the police in India who play the same foul game. Mehmud Pracha remarks: mujhe phone aur sms key jarye jaan se marne ki dhamki dee jarahi hai. Is silsiley men maiy ney na koi police station meyn shikayat ki na hi mai kahin aur darkhoast karne wala hun. Kiuyun ki mujhe police ki karwai par bharosa nahin hai. “I am receiving death threats on phone as well as through SMS. But I am not going to complain at any police station or anywhere because I have no faith in the working of the police.”(Inquilab, March 4, 2014) The threat emanating from abroad in such a large number is a new phenomenon which confirms Frank Raj’s theory of Hindutva more than Sharia as a threat to the world. It calls for a broad jurisdiction of disposing of cases of terrorism. There are many Indians abroad who are arrested on return to their homeland and then detained and tortured in a bid to frame the innocent natives into bogus terror charges. Khwaja Yunus was one such. He was subjected to water boarding and beaten so cruelly that he vomited blood. Even his dead body was destroyed by police especially ATS (Maharashra) officer Sachin Vaze. Who in the Indian Diaspora is implicit in the nefarious design? Khwaja Yunus was killed but Abdul Samad survived. It is worth recall the drama in this case that was played in 2010. Exit Chotu, Enter Abdul. The Media and the Investigators on Pune blast Till early May 2010 the print and electronic media was sensationalizing the discovery of Salman chhotu as the key figure in Pune bomb blast and then switched to Abdul Samad. Raising the adrenaline by hook or crook is the order of the day. If Shakespeare were alive today he would have very excellent night watch Dogberry as a cop. Keeping watch in the town would be such a fun no one would like to turn in. Even a mainstream paper like The Times of India said that Rajasthan police’s getting Salman chhotu for investigation in the Ajmer blast was a ‘distant dream’. The investigators of several states were falling over each other to reach him and ask him to help them resolve terror cases. The media was on the cusp of becoming the cop as the cop was self conscious of appearing before the public. Another paper speculated that it would be a year before another state would have opportunity to interrogate chhotu. Is our chhotu such a mine of information? This time around The Times of India is again somersaulting. Its crime report from Mumbai(Pune blast: 5 more likely to be arrested, May 26, 2010) speaks of two RAW sleuths travelling from United Arab emirate to Mangalore and then ATS from Maharashtra husking away Abdul Samad to Mumbai. Five more would be arrested for inquiry, presumably on the leads Abdul must have provided. Did he? As the reporter calls him ‘prime accused’, what has the newspaper to attach this epithet to the stripling youth from Bhatkal? He is called the planter of the bomb at the German bakery. If the cops knew this twenty days after February 13, why this dilly dallying in arresting him then? A day after the same paper from its Bangalore edition ('Bhatkal's brother being framed'Deepak Kumar Shenvi & N D Shiva Kumar, May 27, 2010) has a different story. It says that Abdul Samad has a brother Mohammad Ahmed whom the police mistakenly called Yasin Bhatkal. Yasin Bhatkal is a step brother of Abdul. After this hilarious drama that began at midnight the cops interrogated Abdul and let him go! Then what happened to the ‘planter of bomb’ that the police had identified Abdul 20 days after the explosion? Thus the comedy of errors verges on the dark comedy. It is this dark comedy that makes our cops excellent watchmen of our towns when we sleep for they never keep watch but go to sleep themselves. Salman Chhotu and solidarity of Jamia Millia teachers and students for civil society Jamiia Millia teachers and students have shown how solidarity among them is a beacon of hope that one day the doppelganger of terrorism evoked by the Intelligence Bureau in collusion with ATS and local police would be buried. Hemant Karkare was left to bleed to death along with two officers as well as some police men. This is amply confirmed by the new startling discoveries that in the Batla house encounter Mohan Chand Shrma was also allowed to bleed to death. After being shot he had remarkably climbed down four flights of stairs and when he was helped to walk to the waiting police van there was no blood mark on the ground anywhere. All his vital organs had not received any gunshot wound. Therefore it confirms the earlier version (not of the police) of the event that he was shot by one of the cops there from behind or from the side. Why was even first aid in plugging the wound not given? This is amazing because the police had gone to Butla house with full preparation of encountering the supposed terrorists in their hideout! Batla house fake encounter was taking place in full view of the local people. They did not hear any gun shot in the action that was unfolding there. On the other hand they saw the cops tumbling down flower pots and other objects there. This would mean that those who were killed were shot in closed space and from close range. These startling disclosures are coincided with the truth about Pune blast of how there is attempt to throw blame on the Indian Mujahideen to deflect attention from Abhinav Bharat and Sanathan Sanstha. What the police, ATS and IB are doing surreptitiously is betrayed by the Hindu communalists in Bhatkal who marched through the streets there shouting their support to the Sanathan Sanstha! Within two days of taking action against ATS chief Raghuvanshi home minister RR Patil replaced him with Rakesh Maria who started chasing the chimera of Indian Mujahideen and in tandem the “embedded media” of the likes of Praveen Swami went to Bhatkal because the game would begin there. That the people of Bhatkal had informed the police that the Margao (Goa) bomb blast was arranged through shipment of the explosives through sea rout was thrown to the wind. As with individuals so with the towns and cities they live in. As Muslims of Yemenis descent (called Navayat Muslims) have lived in Bhatkal for generations and prospered it does not go down well with the authorities and the right wing parties and their affiliates. Essentially the latter target such places for the sizable population of Muslims. Bhatkal is the Kanada counterpart of Malegaon in Maharashtra and Azamgarh in UP. Outsiders come and stoke communal feeling and this is the surest recipe of garnering votes for right wing parties like BJP and the Shiv Sena. Uma Bharti was the first to tour the town in 1991 and as is her wont raised the communal tension on account of her people and her religion innate and the others being foreigners and their faith of foreign origin. That was opening the Pandora’s box. The death of Dr Chitranjan, BJP MLA, in 1996 set the stage for violence. Turning communities to loggerhead you can bake your chapatti as the houses burn. As with towns so with religion. Those like Praween Swami who believe that religion propels terrorism are wrong. The first terrorist attack by Muslims was by those who were not fanatics. Dawood Ibrahim and his lieutenants had hobnobbed well with the local Hindus and shared with them many customs and traditions. They were hardly the type made out: hard drinking and womanizing gangsters. Nor were they glued to cinema serials. What went wrong was the audacity of the Shiv Sainks who in collusion with the police perpetrated cruelty on the Muslims, one such was the sister of the don and hence the response was swift in coming. After or before the first major terrorist attack the Muslims made no justification using the text of their holy book. As in Mumbai 1993 so in Coimbator 1998. Wipe out communalism and terrorism would die like fish out of water. The corruption infested system of customs across the seas was pliant enough to import RDX as was the fishing trawlers in the Indian sea came handy for bringing in the ten from Karachi for 26/11. Atif and Sajid were also from Azamgarh as is Salman Ahmad(chhotu). Swami’s “investigaters say” has been proved to be the grapevine of lies foisted upon the public by the IB and the ATS as has convincingly been proved by the post mortem reports. They show that those who were calling Butla encounter as fake were after all not the Alices in the wonderland. They were alert with their senses when the Butla fake encounter took place. They also had a historical sense because they knew that Mohan Chand Sharma and his guru Rajbir Singh were made of the same stuff of corruption and communalism.. The realtor Bharadwaj silenced Rajbir forever. Rajbir Singh of the Special Cell of Delhi police had given the realtor 50 lakh rupees to invest in business along with a gun. Months passed when Rajbir Singh went to Bhradwaj who feared that the police officer would kill him in fake encounter, shot him with the gun that the cop had given him! MC Sharma was also involved in such unlawful and criminal activities. He had a flat where he would torture Muslim youths to extract confession and then frame them in encounters to get promotion. Anzar plaza shoot out was one such. Such is the stuff the encounter cop is made of. Jamia teachers and students are aware of the laws of the land and would like to abide by them unlike the cops who have earned notoriety for India, too, of the extraordinary renditions. And the ultra nationalists within the country who are baying for blood of the minority Muslims even for perceived wrong. They have made the minority more sinned against than sinning. There have been press conferences right in Mumbai where mothers of accused Muslim youths languishing in jails for years have asseverated that there should be speedy trial and if their sons are found really guilty they would hang them with their own hands. This does not cut any ice so far as the ultra nationalists are concerned. For example Lt Col Srikant Purohit and Sadhvi Pragyasingh Thackur are also in jail accused of terrorism. No Smita Salaskar has expressed strong words against them, as strong words as she did in the case of Faheem Ansari and Sabauddin. She rightfully feels happy that Kasab is found guilty “But I am disappointed as Faheem Ansai and Sabauddin have been acquitted. They should be hanged before Qasab as they are insiders waging war against their own nation.” (Asian Age 4-5-10)Purohit and Ramesh Upadhya, Sudhakar Dwevdi and others did more, wrote even their constitution to replace the Constitution of the Republic of India after exploding bombs not just in Malegaon but several other places. They would take over the county by 2025. The Maoists have set similar target for 2050 but feel emboldened to achieve the same much earlier! Why not go after the whole lot of them the way we go after the Azamgarh brigade! Digvijay Singh’s going to Azamgah is diametrically opposed to Praveen Swami going to Bhatkal. Going to each other’s neighbouhood or towns and villages to know the truth and also sympathize with victim off injustice would go a long way to bring back civil life that is sorely missing today. If at all people have gone astray in our neighbourhood it is necessary to know the reason of it and if needed to redress the wrong done to them. Slamming 50 criminal cases in farfetched states of UP, Rajasthan, Mahrashtr and Gujarat against a teenager is mind boggling, to say the least. Salmaan Ahmed or Chhotu’s case is just that. The disclosure of the involvement raises many serious questions. If Home Minister Chidambrum had said a week ago that the Pune case was cracked then why did the investigative agencies wait for a whole week to crack the fact on Friday April 7 2009 about an alleged phone call chhotu had received from Riyaz Bhatkal giving him badhai or greetings on the Pune blast of February 13. If chhotu was really involved he should have known it rather than being told by Riyaz to watch TV to know it. The entire disclosure seems to be carefully orchestrated to splash headlines on chhot in Sunday editions so the people could comfortably read and have maximum impact of it. The mainstream English media coverage smacks complacency and drivel. Of course what chhotu said is confession under duress. The age of chhotu is far from clear, DNA mention his year of birth 1992, Indian Express mentions 1998, the Hindu also mentions it 1998 but says it is 1985 on the passport. What is in his juvenility that is so fluid? But the crux of the matter is that Salman chhotu is now, ipso facto, made out to be directly connected to the Butla encounter. When so many people are seized with the question of authenticity of the Butla encounter why are the authorities dragging in chhotu into it? Will chhotu play David Headley role in Butla? This skimpy sapling youth! If Salman really stayed in the Qaiserbaug of Lucknow how come the landlord did not know him? This is what Indian Express reports: “The owner of the house, Mushtaq Ahmed, who runs a wholesale medicine business, denied knowledge of Salman. He said five youths from Azamgarh had been his tenants, but he stopped renting out rooms after the ATS raided his house in 2008. The ATS team too had asked him about Salman, Ahmed said.” This surely means that the landlord and the ATS were sailing in the same boat, had no hard proof of his stay. If Salman chhotu was doing Bachelor of Computer Application from the Sapru Marg Hajratganj centre of Sikkim Manipal University then why did the head of the university Harpal Dhillon deny it? Dhillon stated that Salman’s application for admission was rejected and part of the fees returned to him. How far is it true that when the name of IM came out in Butla encounter he fled to Nepal? When various human rights organizations in Jaipur have started clamouring for fresh inquiry into Jaipur blasts in the aftermath of Ajmer exposure of RSS involvement why do the police still say that he is involved in the Jaipur blasts? Is not the police upfronting chhotu in both Butla House encounter as well as Jaipur ones? To what end? What is more serious: why is the Delhi police denying Rajasthan police now access to chhotu? Is this a repeat of FBI denying access to Headley? In fact The Times of India calls it a distant dream of Rajasthan ATS: the access to chhotu! If Chidambrum and the police really cracked the Pune case then why this trash reporting “According to the police, Salmaan is involved with the IM, and it was he who told them about the IM’s involvement with the Pune blasts.” This is hearsay and would remain so until the police prove it otherwise. Jamia teachers and students have done commendable service by proving what is false with un-deniable evidence. Can we now expect the investigation agencies to follow suit? “Sir, don’t..I am not a terrorist”: Déjà Vu Terrorism What is happening in the country is nothing short of déjà vu terrorism. The kind of opinion that the police and investigation agencies create by sensationalizing leaks released to the media and how the media people fall over each other to scoop it will make Muslims en mass look as terrorists. As in the case of every other shining brand, Muslim terrorism is also a commodified brand for marketing. The duo Riyaz @Rehan and Abdul Latif@Guddu were arrested in Mumbai under the ruse that they were about to burn a cloth market, an office of the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC), and the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre. Their weapon was a match box to set the target on fire as getting RDX had become so difficult. How could it be so difficult for them in Mumbai and at the same time so easy for Indian Mujahideen in Pune is something only ATS under KP Raghuvanshi knows very well or their higher ups in Intelligence Bureau. But the theory fell on its face when it came out that the reason behind this façade was that Rehan was in love with a Gujarati Jain girl. Her father reportedly used police influence to forestall the affair from climaxing into marriage. The kind of work that Babu Bajrangi was also doing for a higher premium, of course. The police are also far past in doing the same kind of social engineering is proven in the case of Priyanka Todi and Rizwanur Rehman. The police got him crushed under train. It is ironic that Shah Rukh Khan chose his cricket team to put on the sports-wear of Ashok Todi’s Lux Cosy. The People in Kokata would not have this badge of shame. In their mind Rizwan Khan and Rizwan Rehman are the same. The assertion of the film dialogue also militates against it, My name is Khan and I am not a terrorist. Rehan too was credit worthy as a merchant Panit Prajapati told the people about steady service and noble character of Rehan. The police (read KP Raghuvanshi) were carried off their feet by the new brand in vogue in the market. How could these two burn so much of property and area by simple match box is the Aristotelian thesis of impossible probability being more effective theme of tragedy. The supposed “uncle” has to be based in Karachi as the “Karachi project” wass currently in fashion. That we are fighting shy of joint investigation with Pakistan is convenient to assert anything and say the other side is not cooperating. What harm is there in calling a mastermind “uncle”. This uncle has been deciphered to be, of course, you are right. He’s Dawood Ibrahim. The tall and study man in Pune who has been described as Mithun Chakraborty and who has handed over bombs to Nanded accused of bombing mosques in Parbhani, Purna, Jalna and also others has been called as “sir”. Within the homeland we have not been able to decipher this “sir” let alone arrest him. He must be the true mastermind based in Pune. It is no mere coincidence that a rickshaw driver was shown on a popular TV channel on the day when blasts rocked Malegaon on September 8, 2006. He carried two people who had alighted from a bus from Malegaon. They had reached Pune from Malegaon and were wondering how (the blasts) had taken place in the mid day for they were set to go off in the night when the crowd in graveyard in Malegaon would be mammoth. The rickshaw driver told the anchor that he overheard their conversation. This footage was shown in the evening as well as at night. Till today the ATS has not bothered to trace out the rickshaw driver. On the contrary, Raghuvanshi has gone on air, on radio, exhorting rickshaw drivers to help investigate the Pune blast. So it is easier to locate an uncle in Karachi and IM in Pune. Raghuvanshi personally conducted the raid and arrest of the duo in Mumbai. Then, went public with the finding. Of course, he did not say anything about la affair de amour. Thus it is facile to conceptualize terror and terrorists as former R&AW chief Vikram Sood said: “Concepts are always good but the devil is in the detail”. Our agencies are finding it easier to do it and pocket the bonanza of promotion and be cavalier with providing evidence. So much depends on a phone call! The erstwhile approve Abrar Ahmed says that SP Rajwardhan Sinha gave him the cell phone (no. 9823436801). He gave him a paper on which he had written “Mader chod, jitna bolna that tu bol chuka ab sun ham log ko jitna saman gayab karna tha kar chuke mager ham is ko gaon main nahi la sake”. “Mother fucker, whatever you wanted to say you have said, now listen whatever material we want to remove we have done it, but we could not bring it into the town.” He instructed to Abrar to have the sentence uttered from a public phone booth as the SP wanted it recorded on the phone Abrar had got from him. Abrar claims that the sentence was uttered by Hamid Hussain Javid Iqbal from Pahelwan restaurant on Kidwai road, Malegaon. But the police along with ATS and CBI maintain that the sentence was uttered by Zahid Abdul Majid who they say planted one of the bombs on September 8, 2006. As a matter of truth Zahid had led Friday prayer at Phoolsanghvi in Yawatmal district five hundred miles away from Malegaon. As compared to this the phone call the duo in Mumbai made to the “uncle” is to Karachi much longer distance and hence the need for a more cogent proof. In the Malegaon case the ATS has failed to obtain the phone transcript of 9823436801 although by the order of the Chief Assistant Secretary (Home) they were duty bound to do so. Till February 12, 2010 they had not done so. Therefore it would be in the fitness of things that in the case of three weeks of phone conversation with the “uncle” of the duo should be made public lest the stipulated period of one year given to the phone company passes and they destroy the evidence. The shooting of ATS inspector Shabbir ali Sayyad of Gujarat is another déjà vu terrorism. He was playing the role of observer in a mock rehearsal of terrorist attack at an airport in Surat. DCP Subhash Trivedi shot him twice in his stomach from a close range. Trivedi was role acting as a doctor. The popular conceptualizing of Muslims as terrorists seemed to have spawned this culture in the mind set of everyone. The Pune German Bakery blast has opened a can of canards. The trial court has sentenced Himayat Baig to death. Since then the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has submitted its report and there is hope that it would clear the name of Himayat Baig. Since this startling development Mehmud Pracha has been receiving death threat. It was he who had successfully argued that MCOCA could not be applied to the Pune German Bakery case. A fellow accused in the arms haul case Asif Bashir Khan refused to confess in to the crimes in the case. ATS under Raghuvanshi had threatened him that his wife and mother would be raped [walda and ahliya ki ismat dari ki jaye gee] and what is relevant to the case of Ali, he too would be framed in the Malegaon 2006 case. (Inquilab 9August2012) Can meek and chained human beings hold against this threat? Those who prolong the ordeals have mercenary aims and not service to the nation. Even so they get awarded. It was for this that the Tata Institute of Social Sciences at the request of the Minority Commission discovered the truth: “They (the police) depict and create conflict-like situation and then manage that in order to prove that they deserve promotion” (Indian Express 24 March 2012) Framing innocent Muslims in terror charges is thus a lucrative job. But there is an even more terrible side of this. There is a larger conspiracy going on as the so called suicide of ATS DCP Sanjay Banerjee on March 23, 2013. He had unearthed the pattern of the blast in Pune German Bakery. Was he coerced into throwing his findings in oblivion or insulted by former Commissioner of Police in Mumbai Julio Ribero who criticized Banerjee for being supported by politicians? (archive.indianexpress.com/news/ats-dcp-kills-himself-in-thane-as-wife-kids-watch/1092573) Chapter 16 The Anti Terrorism Squad (Maharashtra) and Truth Did Raj Verdhan Sinha trespass ATS Former CP of Mumbai Hassan Gafoor was castigated for not rushing to confront the terrorists. AN Roy took over operational duty without being assigned in the first place and rushed where angels fear to tread and so did Raj Verdhan Sinha during 26/11. But in other places also they intruded without authorization. The top Anti Terrorism Squad officers of Maharashtra that rushed to Pune immediately after the blast at German Bakery on 13February 2010 also rushed to conclusion that it was Indian Mujahideen behind it. There was a wrong syllogism without rhyme and reason in their inane attempt. Their rote learning in terrorism smacks of lack of critical thinking. They made the Azam campus as the breeding ground of terrorism because seven of the accused were either educated there or had lived in or visited Pune. This is in contrast of the 21 believed to be involved. Does it look plausible? Mohammad Mansoor Peerbhoy In contrast Bhonsla Military Schools at Nashik and Nagpur do not come in their criteria of breeding terrorism or training terrorists as in the case of some 500 that Lt Col Prasad Purohit and others had trained them there. Those arrested include highly educated Indian Muslims and well placed in lucrative jobs to hire apartment in a decent area. Of Apartment where Mansoor Peerbhoy lived in Pune them Mohammad Mansoor Peerbhoy was working with Google India which paid 70,000 rupees for his training in Hyderabad which incidentally included training in hacking. Unlike the training at Bhonsla: making bombs and using of arms. The others arrested along with him also were well educated and in well paid jobs. Mohammad Atiq Mohammad Iqbal alias Musab, 26, was a test engineer for Infosys. Twenty eight year old Anik Shafiq Sayyad alias Khalis was running Akmay Computer Institute in Pune. Dr Anwar Abdulgani Bagwan MBBS, 26, had graduated from BJ Medical College, Pune. Employed in primary health centre at Jogwadi paid him enough to hire flats at Ashoka Mews and at Kamaldeep Apartments along with others. Given their hefty pay packet it belies the police claim that they received IM fund and ran training in terrorism there. Wily ways of framing There are wily ways of framing innocent Muslim youths with meritorious record of educational background and excellence in job. This serves two purposes, one to malign the whole community and, two, to enmesh them in litigation where they have to cough up bribes. Their stigmatization follows a defined pattern of pillorying them from Muslim sizable pockets of well known places like Azamgarh, Bhatkal, Malegaon, Darbhanga, etc. Their places of birth also could not escape being christened as citadel of terrorists so much so that they acquired infamy of being called chota Pakistan. Thus Shahzad Ahmad was arrested from Azamgarh. The police on mere hearsay ascribed to him that he recommended the IM to target foreign tourists. Without fully investigating the ATS accepted this as truth. What is not prosecutable evidence acquired evidentiary value in the eyes of police. 1 Writing and editing official reports is another wily way of getting around the innocent accused. For example Mansoor was arrested on 28 September 2008, one day before Malegaon blast. Assistant Police Inspector Shashant Ganpatrao Shelke of ATS Vikhroli, Mumbai wrote FIR in Marathi on 12 September 2008 about the content of the IM message sent to India TV in the evening at 6.43 on 13 September 2008 he stated among the target of IM: Islam dharm wa muslimancheya virodhat aslelya ATS Mumbai—Gujarat, ASB, Gujarat police, etc. The English version of this is: The target of IM is ATS Mumbai which is against Islam and Muslims—Gujarat, ASB, Gujarat police etc.” The earlier part clearly shows that the editing is calculatedly made to prepare for the assassination of Karkare and what is remarkable even more, his colleagues Ashok Kamte and Vijay Salaskar. Karkare was not against either Muslims or Islam. The three were doomed already before they were killed. For, Karkare had come to know the truth behind 2006 bomb blasts and the role of the police in framing the innocent Muslims. That the killing of Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte by Ismail Khan and Ajmal Kasab was a foregone conclusion on 17 September 2008. The day Shelke composed the report. This is corroborated by the affidavit of the approver turned hostile witness in 2006 blasts case of Malegaon, Abrar Ahmad. Abrar wrote on 18 April 2009: guzishta do sey teen mahino key darmiyan jail men hone key bawajood mere pass Raj Verdhan [Sinha] sahib, [Subodh Kumar] Jaiswal sahib, Raman Tyagi sahib, [Krish Pal] Raghuvanshi sahib mere pass aaten hain aur mujhe dra dhamka kar kutch kagzat par mere dastakhat lena chaheten hain. “For the last three months in spite of my being in prison Raj Verdhan [Sinha] sahib, [Suboth Kumar] Jaiswal sahib, Raman Tyagi sahib, [ Krish Pal] Raghuvanshi sahib came to visit me and threatened me to sign some papers.” The period of last three months according to Abrar’s affidavit of 18 April 2009 would mean January, February, March of 2009. But entry of Sadhvi Pragya Singh [accused in 29 September 2008 blast in Malegaon] in Arthur Road jail in late October 2008 startled Abrar and in his an agnorisis or realization he discovered that Raj Verdhan Sinha had sent him to Indore, Ujjain and other places in MP where he had already met the sadhvi while he was escorted there under ATS. He was overwhelmed with remorse like Swami Asimanand that because of his [Abrar’s] accusation the remaining 8 accused in 2006 blasts in Malegaon were arrested. Abrar also records a visit of 1st September 2008 when Raj Verdhan Sinha, Subodh Kumar Jaiswal and Sachin Kadam came to him in the jail and promised to get him out of prison on bail after two and half a month. They assured him that. But the three made it clear that the new investigators with Karkare included were seized of the truth of 2006 Malegaon blats. Therefore they [Karare and his team] were going to disprove the findings of ATS when Raghuvanshi was the chief of ATS and the charges were framed against the nine innocent falsely accused in 2006 case. Read with Shashank Ganpatrao Shelke’s report on Mansoor Peerbhoy, Abrar’s affidavit points out a frightening treason in high places. Joining the dots of 1st September 2006 [ when the Hindutva terrorists reconnoitered the targets in Malegaon],1st September 2008, 28th September 2008 and 29th September 2008 prepares the sketch of the terrorists who were really behind the blasts in Maharashtra. Is the Home Minister RR Patil listening? Sinha had a phone with the number 9422250775. He had given another to Abrar for his use. Its number was 98223436809. On the consumer application form there was no signature of Abrar, at least there are three places where the consumer applicants have to sign on the form of application for connection. Sinha had given another phone to him 9821024333 in 2007. By this time the 2006 case was transferred to CBI and Sinha had not been entrusted with the investigation. So why should he give the phone to Abrar? Was it meant for snooping what the CBI was doing? BJP wants to fight terrorism as does the ATS under Raghuvanshi and Rakesh Maria. The Hindu party has never bothered about the phone numbers of Sinha and Abrar but is angry at Keneth Haywood. The American evangelist’s involvement in Ahmadabad and Delhi is history. Arresting Mansoor Peerbhoy for it and dereliction of duty in pursuing the case of the American is moral turpitude. A senior police officer of Mumbai is involved in this. BJP wants to know his name. Could he be Sinha, who also entered the Taj on 26 November 2008 without his service gun as it was not his jurisdiction? BJP spokesman Madhav Bhandar; “Haywood was one of the accused in the serial bomb blasts and was arrested by Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) but after pressured from senior police officials, he was allowed to flee the country.” Sinha was then deputy commissioner of police in charge of the foreigners! (2) However, the wiliest part of the ATS is that it has taken the country for a ride. On the pretext of Afzal Usmani’s brother waiting to meet the accused in Ahmadabad, Jaipur, Dehli blasts of 2008 case and the unexploded bombs found in Surat, the ATS kidnapped and held Afzal Usmanin in a farm house in Kasara near Thane on 20 September 2013. Then suddenly they let the world know that they had arrested him from Indo Nepal border. It was at the instance of Usmani that Mansoor Peerbhoy was arrested. September 20th of 2013 also is a feather in the cap of the ATS for having accomplished what is otherwise ignominious for the country in the eyes of the world if not in the eyes of the BJP and the Hindutva. Usmani has also revealed through a letter to judge LR Pansare of MCOCA court that Raja Thakre, the public prosecutor had assured him that he would be absolved of all allegations if he turned approver. 3This kind of promise ATS had made to Mansoor Peerbhoy too. Thakre put the ball in ATS’ court to escape the onus of reply. However the judge has given him time till 23 December 2013 to respond because the allegation of Usmani is personally against him. In another MCOCA court the investigation officer Kishan Singhal has pleaded lapse of memory and shoddy investigation for not knowing how the arms and RDX were kept in how many boxes in the Tata Sumou seized on 9 May 2006 in the Aurangabad arms haul case. In this case also Sinha played a catastrophic role in framing the innocent as far as Malegaon and Ankai areas are concerned. The third part of the seizure was Verud Temple on Chandwad-Verud road. Furthermore the cops manning the check points were in civil dress and their vehicles were unmarked and without red light on the front. Again Shingal pleaded helpless saying that there is no definite person from public or even the officer who went to the jungle in the back of the temple and arrested the accused Mohammad Amir Shakeel Ahmad. Usmani and Shinghal appeared in the courts on Thursday 12 December 2013. In the meantime the lawyer of Abu Jindal, aka Hamza, Ansari Zabiuddin Sayyad on Friday 13 December 2013 applied for bail for Zabi who had transported the arms from Pimpalgaon to the above mentioned places, on the ground that his client was not involved in it and he was framed. 4 However the court has rejected the bail and there is no word that the investigation would go any further and that the framing of charges ala German Bakery case that led to the life imprisonment pronounced upon Mirza Himayat Baig would be repeated. Such is the ubiquitous tendency to conveniently forget how such terrible explosives like RDX can fit in coputer boxes and brought into towns like Malgaeon! This is nothing but the complicity of the police in framing of innocent Muslims and Singhal is no exception. In UP the police undertook another amazing task. The UPSpecial Tast Force (UPSTF) arrested Nasir Husein of Badhapur, Bijnor, on June 19, 2007 from Rishikesh Ashram. Tortured him for two days, although he had not committed any crime. Then on June 21, declared that they had arrested him from Kharfat lodge in Charbgh locality of Lucknow and seized RDX and weapons from him. They also made the manager of the lodge as witness in the case. They accused him of plotting to blow bombs. For seven years the trial court tried the case. Then the court acquitted him in March 2014 because the manager of the Rishikesh Ashram in Utteaanchal told the court that the police had arrested him from the Ashram on June 19, 2007. However, the manager of the Kharfat lodge whom the police made witness had no registry record that Nasir had stayed there. The police also could not substantiate the other charges. 5 There are important security matters concerning the Muslim community seen in the Nasir Husein case. One, the police are directly implicating Muslims in false terror charges and are incarcerating them. They then take years in framing the same person in other subsequent bogus charges. So much of a decade of life of the innocent accused is wasted in facing impossible task proving his innocence. He is invariably poor and the trial lingers. He is very often the breadwinner and his family conditions worsen and poverty increases. Even if the Muslim community protests the Home Minister dlily dallies as the intelligence agencies are the holy cows of the demagogues like Narendra Modi and even the Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde. The largest opposition party is a Hindu party which is committed to view the IB and the police as sacrosanct. The BJP and its leaders like Arun Jaitley, a lawyer, believe that the Muslims are what the police and the investigation agencies blame them. Both being ‘holy cows’ are worthy of worship. Till today the BJP and its spokesperson Jaitley persist in believing Ishrat Jahan a terrorist and special joint director Rajendra Kumar a devoted intelligence officer. Such officers from the police, intelligence agencies and the army join BJP soon after retiring. Thus the hunt for the innocent continues. Seven years of Nasir Husein wasted in jail contrasts with seven years of contitunued service and salary of the officers who frame the innocent Muslims and promotion and retirement benefits. The family members of those killed in terrorist attacks are free to put pressure on the cour to giv death penalty but the families of the innocent are simply ignored! The judges also do not bother to ask the police to produce the RDX seized from the Kharfat lodge of Lucknow. Then what happens to the seized arms and RDX? Where do the left over explosives end up? Does the judiciary have any explanation whether the explosives are non existant or are left with the police and the intelligence agencies like IB for their further design? Acquittal of the accused in no way resolves the case and deters the police and the sleuths from further mischief. The local papers of course carry the report like that of Nasir Husein of Khalid Mujahid but the courts show no interest in them or they just say it is inadmissible proof!6 The game that investigation agencies play is murkier than one can imagaine. The IB still has the AK 56s and other weapons that the police used in the fake encounter of Ishrat Jahan. Amit Shah was the minister for home and KR Kaushik commissioner of police in Ahmadabad when the encounter took place. Even then and after two charge sheets the CBI has not named Shah and Kaushik as accused. In contrast Ishrat Jahan and Nasir Husein were both declared accused of being terrorists and the sitgma remained for years as far as the commonalty is concerned and for the Hindutva and even police and investigators (some if not all) forever. The politics of framing innocent is adjnunct to winning votes and objectifying the “other”. ------- 1. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/techie-peerbhoy-to-dr-anwar-city-s-im/579508/ 2. BJP seeks name of officer who helped Haywood Asian Age 12 December 2013. 3. www.samaylive.com www.roznamasahara.com 13-12-13 Mumbai print edition. 4. Asian Age 14 December 2013 5. Inquilab March 21, 2014. 6. “Death of a Superman” in Mass-Terror Atrocities on Muslims for Hindu Rashtra, Mustafa Khan. Even Keel:Malegaon January 2014. Chapter 17 Why Maharashtra is embroiled in terrorism? As terrorists like Sunil Joshi entered Maharashtra so did many others who played crucial role in bomb blasts in the state. One such was Rajwardhan Sinha who came to Malegaon as senior superintendant of police. Nobody and neither the present writer say that he is a terrorist. But there are two affidavits, one in the 9th May 2006 Malegaon case, the two other cases were from Ankai and Verul temple Chandwad-Aurangabad road arms seizure case of May 2006 and the other in the subsequent or a logical sequence of it, the Malegaon bomb blasts of 8 September, 2006. If proved true in a court of law, the allegations of the two would naturally put Rajwardhan behind bars. Much would depend on the fair and secular approach to crimes based on objectivity and professionalism as shown in the work of Hemant Karkare. But that will come a little later but first the land they claimed theirs before they were of it. The land was theirs before they were of the land, is a line from a poem of Robert Frost. Here it shows how the terrorists within the jail killed Qateel by showing their love for their native land, Maharashtra, and the loyalty to it that made them kill Qateel who was from UP. A dreaded dacoit Alok Bhalerao pinned down Qateel on the floor of the cell at Yarwada and his fellow accomplice and murderer of two and extortionist Sharad Mohol strangulated him. They did this because Qateel knew the real culprits who were behind the blast of Dagdu seth temple in Pune. However the duo killed Qateel and the police pass it off as killing of an antinational character. The evil deed was a example of their patriotism. The murder of Qateel Siddiqui on 8 June, 2012 in the top security Yerwada jail, the brutal attack in Arthur RoadJail on the accused in the Mumbai train blasts and the murder of Advocate Shahid Azmi, who was defending a number of terror-accused, have taken place in Maharashtra among many other similar instances. All these are related to terrorism. There is an attempt to destroy important witnesses who could expose the kind of investigation which the so-called investigation agencies were carrying on; or, lawyers who had defended the innocents whom the agencies had framed. Some of these agencies have played foul. Siddiqui was an important source of exposing the reality behind the bogey of the so-called “Indian Mujahideen”. Shahid Azmi had successfully got Fahim Ansari, accused in 26/11, acquitted in the case. He was also confident that he would prove Fahmida innocent. She was accused in the attack at the Gateway of India and Zaveri Bazar 2003. The accused in the train blasts were an embarrassment to the agencies which could not prove anything against them. The Kashmiris and the imam of the Haj House were arrested on the basis of the false accusations of a police, informer Sajid Shaikh, a Malegaon resident.[1] He told the court that he was sitting on one platform of Secunderabad railway junction and the Kashmiris were sitting on the other platform and yet he could overhear them plotting the 7/11 attack! He also accused the Haj House imam of having links with the Kashmiris. The police and their informers played havoc with innocent Muslims in the state of Maharashtra. That was repeated in the Malegaon 2006 blasts as well as the Aurangabad Arms Haul case of May 2006. Even Zabiuddin Ansari was a police informer before the police morphed him into a dreaded Lashkare-Toiba operative.[2] Naturally, there is suspicion that the hard-core Hindutva groups have spread their tentacles in the police force and could be behind several more such attacks. The reason is that their ideology against Muslims is like stagnant water pool that runs deep. Bal Thackeray, Shrikant Prasad Purohit, and extremist organisations like Abhinav Bharat, Sanatan Sanstha and others hail from Maharashtra. All these also lead to other disturbing apprehensions like the fact that some of those who attacked Cama hospital spoke Marathi fluently, that some of the calls made on the phones of the attackers of 26/11 were traced to Satara in Maharashtra. The bloody attack on the train blasts accused within the prison was on the instruction of the jail superintendent Swati Sathe. On the day the nine accused were given bail in Malegaon blasts of 2006, a prison officer told Shahid Azmi’s brother-lawyer that she [Swati Sathe] would have his son also framed in a case and have him imprisoned. Not to speak of the conspiracy behind the assassination of Hemant Karkare but coming fast forward to the present scenario in Maharashtra, what is happening now is even more a matter of reflection. There is a tussle wherein the state and the investigation agencies (some of them at least) work at variance with what they are supposed to do. They are in stark terms not taking the line of investigation that they should. One example is the 1 August, 2012 Pune blasts. The central [UPA-2] government had taken a serious note of it. The then home minister Sushilkumar Shinde had bluntly said, “We have taken Pune incident very seriously and will announce all the details once the investigation is completed.” [3]There is a hint here that the home department would take the matter to its logical end. In other words, Shinde meant to be professional and unbiased. He also wanted the agencies to be non-partisan in their work. The then Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar voiced a poignant criticism of the very casual view of the state police. He said, "It appears our intelligence gathering network is poor. This situation is unacceptable. There appears to be negligence at certain levels. If the officers are not performing, the state must take stringent action." [4] In the Pune blastsof August 1, 2012, Dyanand Patil was carrying the bomb according to the earliest reports. But soon the police started giving new and attenuating facts and implications after his arrest. First, that he picked up the box thinking it to contain cake. It is ridiculous that anyone would pick up such a box of cake from the road unless he is a hungry beggar. Then another angle that he had visited Arab countries like Jordan. Then Saakal newspaper on 3 August revealed that he had converted to Islam and that he had a “Gujarat connection.” This would mean that this convert was radical Muslim like Javid aka Pranesh Pillai aka Javed Ghulam Sheikh who was killed along with Ishrat Jahan. Pillai was from Pune and was most certainly killed for the common agenda of blaming Muslims for seeking revenge for 2002 genocide in Gujarat. Now the world knows how preposterous it is to go for Narendra Modi. Not only this, the investigation has got a new dynamic by this discovery of his conversion and the Gujarat connection. “The conversion of Patil has given a tremendous boost to investigation!”(patilani dharmaanter keleya che ughadkees aale aahe. Yamude sphotancheya tapasala gatee midali aahe.) As the newspaper put it, ‘the conversion of Patil to Islam has given a new impetus to the probe.’ Next to come was: Why did he have frequent talk on phone with his friend Ramzan Sheikh?[5] Maharashtra is the breeding ground of terrorism of the Hindu right. Excepting 1993 blasts, some of the others have distinct signature of the extremist Hindu organisations. They either explode bombs to put blame on Muslims or explode bombs to take revenge but blame the Muslims nevertheless. Furthermore, the Hindutva ideology includes burning the grounds under the Muslims so that they either convert to Hinduism or leave the country. This ideology is associated with both Savarkar and Golwalkar. Both were Maharashtrians. Their descendants have inherited the same ideology of hate for Muslims and espousal of an exclusionary nationalism. Their sympathy[z]ers are galore in the state and outside the state. But Maharashtra being the land of birth of this ideology, it is but natural that its influence would be felt even today. For example, Pius Agarwal, the son of the owner of a bicycle shop that supplied one of the cycles to explode the bomb in the graveyard and Mushawarat chowk in 2006, said on his mobile phone what his customer Shakeel Ahmad Mohammad Yusuf overheard. “Jo saman aapan log ankai ki pahadi key pas baudy men rakhe the woh sub saman raj wardhan saheb ke maujudgi me uth gaya aur jo sub naam ki list aapan diye the uske mutabik sey raj wardhan saheb sey meri ru ba ru baat chit ho gaye hai. Sab nam ki mukamal setting baith gayee hai. Sab kaam perfect hai aur aage ki jo karwai hai who aapan log beyth kar wahan programme banayen ge.” (“Whatever material we had put in the well near Ankai hill has been lifted away in the presence of Rajwardhan. And according to the list of names that we had supplied, I had talked regarding it with Rajwardhan face to face. The setting has been done exactly in accordance with the list of names. Everything is perfectly (matching). We will chalk out the future programme when we meet there.”) [6] This clearly implies that some material was deposited in a (dry) well near Ankai hill off Manmad town on the highway to Yeola. There is every possibility that this could be the RDX and arms and ammunition which was later “recovered” from the site as the ATS had claimed. In fact, two wooden boxes filled with ammunition and explosives and a CPU frame containing one AK 47 was found at Ankai. But this was part of the much larger arms haul at Aurangabad and Malegaon. If proved true, it would lead to the conclusion that people were trapped and made accused in the arms seizure (the 21 accused of which 16 were arrested by the police then and others later) were perfectly set up in the conspiracy. When carried to its logical conclusion, the so-called “Abu Jindal” or Zabiuddin Ansari as a police informer was also involved as he, according to the reports [7], led the police to this haul. But the heart of the matter is that Pius Agarwal and the SP of Malegaon Rajwardhan were allegedly a part of this act of high treason that is in other words the conspiracy for which Muslims were made to wear the cross. There is another affidavit of Abrar Ahmed, one of the accused in the bomb blasts of 2006. He was a police informer who was made an approver but later turned hostile. At the instance of Rajwardhan, he got a friend of his named Hamid Husain Iqbal Ahmed utter a given sentence from a phone to Abrar’s mobile number 9823436809. The sentence was recorded. Even Rajwadhan had recorded this sentence on his mobile number 9422250775. [8]Both the accused and the police officer made the recording, heard it again and confirmed it. The substance of the recording of the conversation is that whatever material the speaker on the phone and his associates wanted to bring into the town they had brought in. If this sentence refers to RDX as the material, it would mean that the material was used to make bombs that exploded on 8 September, 2006. The police wanted to ascribe this sentence to Mohammad Zahid Majid Ahmed. They made two CD recordings, sealed it and presented it in the court as proof of Zahid’s involvement in the blasts though on the day of the blasts he was in far-away Phoolsanghvi in Yawatmal. His brother Mohmmad Javid was arrested in the Aurangabad Arms Haul Case of May 2006. In this way the ATS yoked the two cases together. The two cases of Malegaon blasts 2006 and the arms haul 2006 would collapse in a court of law like a castle made of cards if the two affidavits are thoroughly vetted and investigated professionally and objectively. Then it will be clear whether the agents provocateur came from Pakistan or Bihar and Madhya Pardesh and who were their local supports. Notes (1) http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-01-21/mumbai/28369131_1_malegaon-ats-kashmiris; http://www.milligazette.com/news/564-police-informers-waging-war-against-the-nation. (2) Indian Suspected of 26/11role once worked for India, Hindustan Times, 8 February, 2010. (3) http://www.indianexpress.com/news/centre-has-taken-serious-note-of-pune-blasts-sushilkumar-shinde/983920/0 (4) http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/sharad-pawar-slams-rr-patil-for-pune-blasts-praises-narendra-modi/articleshow/15361184.cms [(5)Saakal August 3, 2012] [6]See Shakeel Ahmed Md. Usuf’s affidavit implicating Pius Agarwal and police involvement in the Aurangabad arms haul case. [7] Indian Suspected of 26/11role once worked for India, Hindustan Times, 8 February, 2010. [8]Abrar Ahmad Momin’s affidavit of April 18, 2009. See attached below Shakeel Ahmad Md Yusuf’s affidavit Chapter 18 Framing innocent Muslims to divert attention from real terrorists The Hindutva module that was on a bombing spree in view of the planning indicated by Swami Asimanad was at large due to the framing of the nine Muslims in Malegaon blasts of September 8, 2006. Thus it struck again on September 29, 2008. The man who stopped it for the time being at least falls a victim on November 26, 2008 because he had come to know the truth of the first attack. ATS chief KP Raghuvanshi, and another senior member Subodhkumar Jaiswal and ASP Ranjwardhan Sinha had assured one of the nine accused Abrar that they would remove those [Hemant Karkare and his men] who had started changing their finding in the first attack. Then they would take him out of jail. [1]This raises the question: could not the 2008 terrorist attack have happened if the innocents were not framed in 2006? The obvious answer is that because the same group that struck Malegaon saw that they were let free or fobbed off. They forayed into terrorism again. Abhinav Bharat surfaced in the inquiry of Karkare. Had Karkare not been objective AB would still have continued its work at least circa 2006-2008. The government had initiated inquiry in the right direction by asking inspector Davidas Sonowne of Maharashtra police to inquire whether three Hindus namely Parshuram Shiva Mohtie, Balyogi Surajnath and Mahesh Patodiya had any link to 2006 attack. This inquiry was based on the logic that recent terrorist activities in Nanded(2006) , Parbhani (2003), Purna(2004), Jalna (2004) Aurangabad(2006)had revealed the role of Hindu extremists of Bajrang Dal and RSS engaged in acts of bomb making and explosion. Sonowne also asserted that inspector Awhad was instructed by DSP Mr Malegaonkar to visit Aurangabad, Nanded and Parbhani where the serious terror activities were reported. But Sonowne himself drew blank. It came as a surprise for NIA had revealed that Himanshu Panse who died while making bomb in Nanded was working closely with Mdhya Pradesh based group led by former RSS pracharak Sunil JoshiI [2]The role of the police became suspect even before this first official move. It was this that made Prime Minister Manmohan Singh remark on the sixth anniversary of Malegaon first blasts on September 8, 2012 that the “police chiefs [were] going overboard with their crackdowns.”[3] Since then many more attempts were made at confusion or obfuscating the case. The local police had also called 20 Hindus of Malegaon for questioning but released them no one knows for what reason. They had called Mahesh Patodiya in the middle of night for interrogation but a crowd of yarn merchants forced the police to release him. Furthermore a letter received by the local news paper Dinkar had warned of more such attacks unless the Muslims leave the country. It threatened the NGO Jamiutul Ulema-e-Hind not to do anything in this regard or face serious consequences.[4] Ramji Kalsangra had brought a bag with Muslim traditional caps, lungi, kurta and false beards also did not figure in any inquiry. Despite these the police heavily relied on witness no. 369 by one Atif. He was kept in custody for about a month and beaten and so he confessed that the bombs were assembled at the godown of Shabbit Masiullah. Then he was released by the police. After sometimes he came back to Malegaon from his native village in UP and went to Allahabad high court. He submitted an affidavit to the effect that his confession was bogus. Later he also went to the office of NIA and told them the truth of how the police had tortured him and forced him to give false witness. While these things are in the public domain the ATS submitted its say in the 2006 case to the MCOCA court on June 24, 2014. It requested the court to cancel the bail of the nine accused for it has strong evidence against them. The evidence includes confessional statements, forensic data of the RDX seized from Shabbir Masiulla’s godown and the bombs that exploded. There are many anomalies in the evidence of the ATS. One, that Munawar was entrusted with the task of buying two new cycles. But the sketch of the wanted two does not match with the Munawar and others who are bearded. They match the regular youths of different religion than Islam. Their mustache or clean shave is remarkable. The police claim that Munawar gave the cycles to Zahid Abdul Majid, Ishtiyaq and Abrar. Zahid was five hundred kilometers away in Phoolsnaghvi, Yawatmal at the time of explosion. Nay, he was leading Friday prayer at that time on Friday September 8, 2006. Ishtiyaq’s name frequently appears in the ATS say. He is declared an offender and wanted in the arms haul case of May 2006 also. Abrar’s name figures on page 9. Interestingly on November 4, 2011 Indian Express carried a report from Mumbai which said that Abrar had planted one bomb for money and the other Muslim planter was dead. This second Muslim is most probably Azhar who killed himself according to the police but his son maintains that the police killed him. The earliest example of Malegaon 2006 of police framing an innocent to hide the real terrorists was of September 12, 2006 when when local police whisked away Irfan Ahmad Akeel Ahmad. They took him to a dark place and in the search light of their vehicle they tortured him. They told him to confess his involvement in the Friday September 8 blasts in Malegaon. He refused. Then they brought two beggars, one of whom was crippled in both legs who said that Irfan had deposited his chappal foot ware on the day of the blasts. Irfan denied it. Then the police changed their tactic and offered him five lakh rupees if he falsely accused others. He refused again. He submitted these details in his affidavit on September 9, 2006.[5] Ground breaking news came with the arrest of Rajendra Chowdhary on December 15, 2012 and of Manohar Kumar on December 29 and Dhan Singh on December 17, 2012. Amit @Prince@Ashwani Chauhan. Rajendra Singh had planted the bomb at Mushawarat chowk where Azhar stopped him and recognized him. Rajendra passed the information to another cell which killed Azhar. [6] Another instance of Hamid Hussein Iqbal Javid illustrates that Abrar could have been used by the police and also RSS leader Indresh Kumar’s Muslim Rashtriya Manch. Abrar was in touch with a local RSS pracharak and enjoyed largess during junketship, his in laws pocketed generous doling to the tune of more than 25 lakh. Abrar used Hamid Hussein to use a public phone booth to incriminate in the crime of bringing RDX into the town. [7] Abrar was in contact with a local RSS pracharak as an intermediary to get access to Sunil Joshi, Ramchandra Kalsangar and Sandeep Dang. These three were most crucial in bombing Malegaon. Even more startling is that Abrar had visited Shabri Dham Ashram in Dangs district prior to the blasts.[8] This proximity to Swami Asimanand’s headquarters is ominous and could be the clinching evidence. Both the Muslim acolytes of the Sangh parivar were hit by lack of money and maladies and deadly disease. Around Diwali Sunil Joshi had gone to Dangs and told Asimanand that his module had used two Muslims. Using Muslims cannot be stretched too far. On page 5 of the ATS say to MCOCA court it has this strange claim that Riyaz Arsalan@Raju had given a bag containing bombs to Raees Mansoori who hung it at the gate of the graveyard where more than 30 were killed. The aim was to cause Hindu-Muslim riots. They failed to produce a riot and therefore Dr Fagor Mugdumi called a meeting on September 12 and instructed them to place another bomb at the mixed population area of Mohammadiya madrasa. It failed to go off on September 13. Why should Muslims crave to cause communal riots is perhaps the biggest lie the police wanted to foist upon the whole matter! [1]See Abrar Ahmad’s affidavit submitted to MOCOCA court April 2009.e-worryin-pm/article-926 [2] “Malegaon explosions probe caught in a maze” Rajesh Ahuja, Hindustan Times New Deli, June 6, 2013 [3]http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/newdelhi/use-of-social-media-to-inflame-hate-worryin-pm/article-926421.aspx [4]See the facsimile of the threatening letter of RSS [5]See Irfan’s affidavit. [6]http://www.indianexpress.comnews/maleagon-man-ran-into-bomber-before-blasts-soon-he-was-dead/1057854? [8]http://www.indianexpress.com/one-of-nine muslims-arrested-for-Malegaon-had-planted-bombs-for-hinud-extremists-say-nia/870531/10 November 14, 2011. [There are two affidavits. In one Irfan gave in writing how the police kidnapped him and beat him terribly and wanted to force him to confess that he had planted the bombs in graveyard mosque. When he refused they offered him 5 lakh rupees. On September 12, 2006 he submitted the affidavit. In the second Hamid says that he spoke to Abrar a sentence to the effect that he brought RDX in the city. This is very serious because it relates to two cases: Aurangabad-Malegaon-Ankai arms haul and also the blasts on September 8 2006.Both of them have clearly blamed the police for the proactive role in framing them. There is a warning from RSS in the devnagri which means that Muslims have no place in India as it is a Hindu Rashtra and RSS will make it so one day. The letter also says that they have given proof of their intent the same day by blasting bombs and more would follow. It also threatens Jamiatul Ulemai Hind not to be smart.] Chapter 19 Vaidik-Saeed phenomenon More than who killed, who masterminded assassination of Karkare is important Mustafa Khan There is something that doesn’t love a wall between human beings. But also true is that some people do not like some other people by their ideology hence wall is necessary. This is true about the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh as far as the latter half of the truth of the sentence goes. Or the opposite poles attract. The RSS did not like LK Advani for praising Mohammad Ali Jinnah as secular. The people tainted with this ideology be they judges in India, public prosecutors like Ujwala Nikam and investigators like KP Raguvanshi or Mohan Bhagwat, etc follow suit. Truth also defies ideology and truth seekers like Ved Pratap Vaidik, too, don’t shirk from encountering truth. Some of the findings of Vaidik are more surprising than the question: Who killed Karkare? If Hafiz Saeed did not master mind 26/11 then it was not Ismail Khan or Ajmal Kasab who did it? No sooner had Vaidik met Saeed than the commissioner of Information Commission of Maharashtra came out with a startling reprimand to the police commissioner of Mumbai Rakesh Maria on the matter of 26/11: “Prima facie, misleading information has been given in this case. There has been a malafide denial of information, information has been destroyed and obstacles have been created in presenting the information. The Commission agrees with all these issues brought forth by the complainant” [Mrs. Vinita Kamte, wife of slain Ashok Kamte killed with Hemant Karkare]. “As per a letter dated April 2009, Rakesh Maria, the then joint police commissioner (Crime), had denied information (to Vinita Kamte) under Section 8 (1) (G) of the RTI Act 2005. It is very irresponsible and gives reason for suspicion on whether he was trying to hide something. In view of the nature of the incident and its seriousness, if an impartial inquiry is not done, the public or Vinita Kamte will never get to know the truth.” [1] The uproar in the Indian parliament over the issue of the visit has churned up protests from BJP members and also the Congress party. The eagerness shown by the Congress for political correctness and fear of Hindu bogey of backlash reveals its shallowness. Like Vajpayee government it also automatically jumped on the US bandwagon on war on terrorism. Till today it has not shown honesty in pursuing the case of the innocent Muslims trapped in bogus charges of terrorism complemented by Indian courts to a great extent. Indian courts have rushed to judgment in hanging some who were used as informers of Special Task Force of the Delhi police or of Jammu and Kashmir police or the Maharashtra ATS. As the Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief observes that “The row in the Indian Parliament over a journalist's meeting with us shows the extremism, narrow mindedness of their politicians. Utterly Shameful.” [2] He showed his anathema to “such politics & protests.” Therefore it is time to know well what such politics and protests are. Vaidik’s dislike of national security advisor Ajit Doval may not surprise many who know his past as head of CBI. His advice of first kill and then inquire speaks volumes on the matter. This was woven into the nightmare of the Batla encounter as well as 26/11. In the fateful night of November 26, 2008 commissioner of police Hasan Gafoor had rightly required the service of ACP Ahok Kamte of East Region to reach South Region and report him at Trident hotel. Gafoor had made his car as his control centre while the police control room [ aka Control] was under the charge of Rakesh Maria. Gafoor asked Ashok Kamte ACP of East Region to come to him. The police log recorded it thus but Kamte was instructed otherwise: “23 hrs, 33 mins: Main Control to East region: Firing going on at Cama Hospital and you are to come there. East Region WT (WalkieTalkie)to Main Control :(Ashok’s operator answers) East Region Sir has reached Cama Hospital five minutes back. Control: Noted.” It implies that Ashok had reached the Rang Bhavan lane while action was taking place. He took his AK 47 and fired at Kasab and Ismail injuring the former in the hands. Afterwards when Vinita Kamte asked Maria about the time of the action that led to sudden death of her husband he replied it was 11.50. How could this be possible because Kamte made a call to his gun man Jayvant Patil at 11:58. Therefore Maria misguided Vanita by putting the incident of death early by half an hour when her husband was still alive. More ominous is that the firing from the roof of the Cama hospital. The terrorists in the hospital were speaking fluent Marathi and spared a Hindu employee as they were discerning the religion of the inmates there. Furthermore why should they climb up and come down the stories of the hospital if they were in search of greater number of people for killing? If they wanted they could have killed all the patients. Hemant Karkare and others bore wound as they were shot from above. Vinita also remarks that there was no reinforcement sent to the ATS chief and his men despite his repeated and clear request for it. Almost an hour had passed when the support came although when the officers and constables in the car were attacked another police van came fast and past it and after sometimes it returned with the same speed and did not stop at the doomed vehicle. It would have taken just 2 minutes for reinforcement to come and yet it did not for an hour! [3] No help came to the three officers who were killed for more than 40 minutes speaks volumes regarding the conspiracy. The only vehicle that came and sped past twice was at 00hrs09mins when the Control (Maria) instructed it to come to the middle road which is the Rang Bhavan road where the three officers along with their constables were gunned down. ACP East Region car was also attacked at the Dog house near SB office and yet this was ignored by the Control altogether. At 00hrs33mins the Azad Maidan police informed the Control about Karkare, Salaskar and Kamte lying on the road no notice was taken of it and no help was sent there. Another call at 00hrs40mins informed Control that the injured officers were lying there and that it, Kamte’s East Region car attacked. Again it was ignored. It was dereliction of duty and the Control knew the fate of those officers. Next call was at 00hrs49mins from Peter LT Marg LTMarg Mobile and Abel Pydhonie to the Control that they were taking the injured officers to GT Hospital. Thus no help was sent between 23hrs24mins to 00hrs49mins. At 00hrs56mins Commissioner of Police Gafoor asked Maria about Karkare and the others injured. Maria hemming and hawing is a tale-tale: “Sir..Sir..he..he..Hemant was, Sir, at the CST Railway Station , Sir, I will find out the location and tell him to get in touch with you right away, Sir.” This clinches the lie of Maria since he was given Karkare’s location at Cama hospital at 11hrs24mins, 11hrs27mins, 11hrs28mins and 11hrs58mins. This could not have been managed by Saeed sitting in another country. Vinita raised very important questions when the home minster of Maharashtra RR Patil and DGP police AN Roy came to visit the widow in the aftermath of the deaths. “There are police officers who, due to political affiliations, are not been posted out of Mumbai for 10-20 years. They carry on there with impunity. My husband did not believe in sycophancy and accepted with grace any posting or any situation that you put him through. He didn’t complain when during these four months as Additional Commissioner, East Region, you sent him to other regions to handle sensitive situations and despite that, stole away credit from him.” Why? Her second question was even more acerbic: “While officers of the South Region [Viswas Nangre Patil and Rajwardhan Sinha in charge of Special Bureau at Rangbhavan lane]who shied away from the scene are not being questioned, why are these brave officers who cannot speak for themselves are being portrayed as those ‘who did not comprehend the situation?” [p25-26] What she said of police officers shying away from work can be seen in the case of Viswas Nagare Patil who along with Rajwardhan Sinha had warned the hotels of the possibility of attack of fidayeen coming by the sea. He warned even the Taj Mahal hotel staff and surprisingly went on leave when the attack came. Karkare and others who rushed to the scene were blamed for not understanding serious situation and like the adage rushed in where angels fear to tread! Were Patil and Sinha in the loop of the conspiracy of pending attack? If yes, was the conspiracy prepared and planned on the Indian soil, as well? If the government of India was aware of the ‘valor’ shown by Patil and Sinha why did it not immediately award them for their bravery rather than wait for such a long time as nearly five years, at last in the case of Sinha? How could the government have inadequate information when the world media was focused on the action scene! Birds of the same feather flock together When Patil was seized of the more than 25 warnings regarding Trident-Oberoi and Taj Mahal hotels as targets of impending terror attacks then why did not joint director of IB Prabhakar Alok send such serious warnings to the Bombay police and the government of Maharashtra? Why did Patil enjoy privileged status? [4] The RSS has uninhibitedly rushed to justify Vaidik-Saeed visit. MG Vaidya as an ideologue remarked that there was ‘nothing wrong’ in it. But the crowning irony came from Indresh Kumar who is directly or indirectly or even remotely linked to terrorism. He had advised the Sunil Joshi module to hide in temple after deeds of terror. Of course, they did as Rajendra Chowdhar and Dhan Singh accused in Malegaon attack were arrested from temples acting as priests at the time of their arrest, not to speak of Swami Asimanand arrested from a temple of Hardwar after years of absconding. Kumar certified that Vaidik was a “nationalist cultural person”, perhaps an ideal example of “cultural nationalism” which excludes Muslims from the Hindutva followers. [5]Bonding of extremists is a natural phenomenon. There is another flocking of the birds of the same feather. It is an axis of Bal Thackeray-Sharad Pawar and the police and army under their aegis. In 1992-93 the defense minister and his crony had close relation. When Madhuar Saroptdar was arrested by the army with arms he was supplying to Shiv Sena activists killing Muslims, he was immediately set free. The chief minister Madhukar Naik had asked the central government to remove the defense minister Pawar from Bombay. From December 6, 1992 to March 13, 1993 Muslims were falling victim to Shiv Sena and police assault. In this manslaughter Dawood Ibrahim family also prominently figured. The gangster used his muscle power and sea link and organized the first bomb attack in India. This might have been the only option to stay put the elimination of the minority. The man who cracked the bomb case by accident was Rakesh Maria. He may be called the primordial maker of the myth that Muslims start violence in the name of religion and therefore the theory that only they are the terrorists, this despite the fact that in the first week of January 1993 it was Bal Thackeray who exhorted his militia known as Shiv Sena to kill ‘landyas’ an expletive for the Muslims. The Muslims of the metropolis were pushed to the wall even then Maria saw in it as a religious war. Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott Clark: “Maria had quickly spotted linkages, defining the blasts as one interconnected attempt to kick start a religious war.” [6] Interconnected yes, it was the extremists predominantly the Shiv Sena cadres who had taken part in demolition of the mosque in Ayodhya and they had played greater role in the mass killing of Muslims in Mumbai. Bombing came a last resort to the gangster’s family. There was no movement among the Muslims to start a religious war. They were made victims of the violence surrounding their mosque being demolished and the juggernaut for building temple started by LK Advani and Narendra Modi in the earlier years. But Maria played proactive role in 26/11. He wanted to rush to Ajmal Kasab to take charge of him. AN Roy took over the operational duty which rested with the commissioner of police. Maria would have even killed Kasab because he was ‘incandescent’ at Gafoor stopping him since it was not his job but the assistant commissioner in charge of law and order, ACP Tanaji Ghadge. Miffed by the commissioner Maria sent a DCP to shadow Ghadge, nevertheless. He has many more such in his record, why this itch? When Patil was aware of the attacks he did not know what to do and sought advice of his batch mate Sinha of 1997 Police Service examination. Sinha had already acquired notoriety of handing 2001 riots in Malegaon and the first bomb attacks there in 2006 and also the notorious arms haul of May 2006. In all these his role in framing innocent Muslims is decidedly questionable and venal. During this period it was KP Raghuvanshi as boss of ATS. In August 2008 there was change of guard. Hemant Karkare assumed charge of the head of ATS. He brought in a chemistry of change in investigation for which he paid with his life. So Vinita Kamte’s sycophants and professionals crisscrossed when RR Patil and Raghuvanshi were restored their offices. As a consequence of all this it is clear that there were and perhaps still are two groups of policemen. And because of this schism it will remain unclear that fisherwoman Anita Rajendra Udaiya saw 6 terrorists getting out of the boat at Mahatma Phule Nagar, Budhwar park, Cuff parade. She later identified only those 6 among the ten killed when she was shown the bodies at the morgue. She had not seen Kasab whom the judges rushed to hang. She must have learned the Americans how to count properly. If 16 Pakistanis had landed in India for the 26/11 attack and 10 were killed where are the remaining 6? If 16 Pakistanis had come by sea and six were killed where are the other 10? Where is the Phoenix who can solve this puzzle that Gafoor put forth on February 13, 2009 where is the Oedipus who can solve the puzzle? [1] http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/2611-info-panel-tears-into-maria-is-he-trying-to-hide-something/ [2] [Zee news July 15, 2014. [3]Vinita Kamte. To the Last Bullet. Pune Ameya prakashan. 2009. [4]Indian Express Mumbai edition December 16, 26, December 2008. [5]Asian Age July 17, 2014 [6]Andrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark. The Siege: the attack on the Taj. Penguin India (2013) pp 82. --- 20-7-14 Index Abdul Karim Tunda 31 Abhinav Bharat 28, 31, 32, 33, 34,46, 48, 61, 81, Abdul Latif Bhatti 67 Abdul Samad 79 Abrar Ahmad 12, 13, 20, 47, 48-59 , 88, 94, 95, Advani, LK 5, 42, Agarwal, Pius 62 Aggressive Hindutva Terrorism and Malegaon 50 Ajmal Kasab 14, 15 Amir Bhai 60, 64, Aniq Shafiq 93 Ankai 46, 59, 63 Ansari, Dr Mateen 36 Anti Terrorist Squad 39.80 Anzar Plaza 82 ,Apte, Narayan 7 Aseemanand, Swami 6, 33, 38, Atif 82 Aurangabad Arms Haul 22, 59, 97 Azamgarh 93 Azamgarh Brigade 83 Babu Bajrangi 31, 42, 86 Bagwan, Dr Anwar 93 Bajrang Dal 9, 12, 34, 64, Banerjee, Sanjay 90 Bhalerao, Alok 37, 38, Bareilly 16, Bhatkal 93 Bhatkal, Yaseen 79 Bharatbhai Riteshwar 33 Bhat, Sanjiv 45Bilal Ahmad 60 BJP 39, 40 Bharadwaj 82 Bhat, Sanjiv 33 Bharti Airtel 8 Bhatkal 81, 83 Bhatkal, Riyaz 84 Bhatkal, Yaseen 36 Chabbad House/Nariman House 76 Chakaravorti, K DGP 44Chhara 42 Chidambrum, P 85 Dange, Sundeep 6, 33, Darbhanga 93 Dariapur 44 Dawood Ibrahim 82, 87 déjà vu terrorism 86, 89 Delhi blast 71 Dey, Major Bhagirath 65 Dharma 2 meanings 41, Diama, Inspector 21, Discrimination based on religion as dynamic of arrest 5, Duraphe, Inspector 20 Extraordinary rendition 32,83 Fahim Ansari 5-15, 18, 30, 83, Fakir Ahmad Mohammad Ali 67, 68 Faruque Verdha 49, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 18, 19, Frank Raj 78 Gandhi, Mahatma 6 Ganesh immersion 21 Gavriel, Rabi 76 Geelani, Prof Sayyed Abdul Rehman 20 German Bakery 89 Godhra 32, Godse, Nathuram 7, Google 71, 92 Gupta, Dwendra 6 Guru Gobind 41 Gurumurthy, S 41 Hamid Husein Md Iqbal 88 Hasan Gafoor 19, Haywood, Kenneth 96 Headley, David Coleman 18, 19, 20, 38, 84 Himani Savarkar 6, 34, 69 Himayat Baig 97 Hindutva experiment 40, Hindutva pracharaks 6 Hindutva Diaspora 78 Hindutva terrorism 7 Hitler, Adolf 32 Huntington, Samuel 5, Hyderabad 71 IB 80 Identity parade 46Ishrat Jahan 18, 51, 99, 100 Iqbal Bhatkal 71 Ismail Khan 14, 15, Israel 31 Jai Gurudev Sewa 7 Jaiswal, Subodh Kumar 12, 19, 20, 49, 51, 94 Jamal 67 Jaitley, Arun 99, Jamaiatul Ulema Hind 71 Javed Mozawala 66-69 Jethmalani, Ram 40 Jihadi terrorism 30, 34, Joshi, Sunil 6, Julio Ribero, CP 90 Kumar, Rajendra 6, 99, 100 Kadam, Sachin 12, 49, Kadam, Mahesh 49 Kamte, Ashok 93 Karan Thapar 30 Karachi party 87 Karkare, Hemant 9, 12, 13, 17-21, 54, 71. 80, 93, Khalid Mujahid 99 Kauser 44, Kaushik, PC KR 44 Khan, Asif Bashir 8, 45, 61,89, Khaitan, Ashish 12, 13, 69, Khwaja Yunus 36, 55, 66, Kisan Singhal 97 Kissinger, H 31 Kumar, Indresh 32, 65, Kumar, Rajendra 38, 51, Kumbhare, SP Anil 21, 63 Kurla 21 LeT 14 List of favoured cops of Modi 43 Lucknow 16 Madhav Bhandar 96 Maghdumi, Dr Farogh 21, 51 Malegaon 9, 11, 20, 21, 25, 29, 55, 63, 65, 70, 81, 87, 93 Malegaonkar, Inspector 23 Mangalore 71 Mansoor Peerbhoy 92-97 Maoists 6 Margao 81 Maya Kodnani 42 Maehmud Pracha 78, 89 Mehta, Tushar 41 Mirza Himayat Baig 30 Mithun Chakrwarthy 87 Modi, Narendra 6, 32, 33, 34, 40, 42-44, 99 Mohammad Ahmad 79 Mohammad Ali 8-10, Mohammad Ali Shaikh 9, 10, Mohammad Atiq 93 Mohammad Javed Abdul Majid 24, Mohammad Zahid Abdul Majid 24 Mohol, Sharad 37, 38 Muddasir 25 Mufti Ismail 65 Mujaffar 64 Muzammil Akhtar 36, 46, 53-58, 68 Naik, CM Sudhakar 11 Nanded 7,87 Narayanan, Ashok 44 Naroda Patia 42, Nasir Husein 98-99. Nazi 32 Nihal Ahmad 52 Nikam, Ujjawal 15 9/11 30 Noorulhodha 20-23 Optional Protocol 24 Panchpore, Col Vinay 65 Pande, PC 42 Pandey, Dyanand 70, Pandy, PP 33, 43, Pandya, Haren 6, 45 Pasricha, Dr PS 51 Patel, Jaideep 42 Patil, Abhimanyu 49 Patil, RR 18, Peerbhoy, Mohammad Mansoor 70-72 Pragyasingh Thakur, Sadhvi 29, 33, 48, 68, 95 Prajapati, Tulsiram 44 Pasricha, DGP Dr PS 11, 12, Patil Gond 8 Patodiya, Mahes 51 Pawar, Sharad 11, 12, Phoolsanghvi Yawatmal 25, 88 Pune German Bakery 11, 35, 71, 81 Punnyanagri 11 Purohit, Lt Col Prasad 6, 31, 32, 34, 48, 50, 64, 65, 68, 83 Raghuvanshi, KP 12, 13, 17-19, 33, 49, 50-52, 81, 86-89, 96 Ramsingh Kalsangra 6, 7, 29, 33 Rakesh Maria 19, 36, 54 Rao, PM Narsimha 11 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sungh {RSS}6, 7, 41,85 Rehan 86 Rivaka 76 Rizwan Rehman Rizwan Khan 86, 87 Roy, Arundhati 13 Sabauddin Ahmad 8, 14, 83 Sadiq Jamal Mahtar 44, Sajid 82 Salaskar, Smita 83 Salaskar, Vijay 9, 21, 93 Salman Ahmad Chhotu 80, 82, 84, 85 Salman Farsi, Dr 51 Sanathan Sansthan 81 Sangh Parivar 71 Santosh cycle 62 Saroptdar, Madhukar 11, Sathe, Swati 8 Sayyad, Shabbir Ali 89 7/11 11, Shabri Dham 33 Shah, Amit 6, 40, 42, 100 Shahid Azmi 18, 20, 37, Shaike Rashid 63 Shakeel Ahmad 66 Shankar Shelke 64 Shashikant 46 Shakeel Ahmad 36 Shakeel Moinudden Sheikh 63, Sharif, Dr, 60, 65, Sheikh, Sadiqu 13 Sheikh, Ataur Rehman 8 Shinde, YD 50 SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India) 12, 25, 30, 31, Siddiquy, Ehtesham 8, 9, 11-13, Siddiquy, Qateel 35-39, Singh, Digvijay 83 Singh, Rajbir 82 Singhal, Ashok 40 Sinha, Rajwardhan 13, 21, 48, 50, 60-63.88, 90-97 Sohrabuddin Shaikh 40 Sreekumar RB 33, 34, 43, Strobe Talbott 76 Swett, Katrina Lantros 33 Tahiliyani, Justice ML 19, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) 89 Thackeray, Bal 6, 11, Thakre, Raja 9, 97 The God of Small Things 13 Thomas, Inspector 13 Tigers of Karnataka 64 Todi, Priyanka 86 Togadia, Parveen 33, 42, Torture in Rampur jail 16 Triwedei subhash 89 Uma Bharti81 Umarji, Maulana 32 Upadhay, sudhakar 83 Usmani Afzal 96 Vajpayee, PM AB 5, 25, 30, Vanzara, DG 40, 41-45 Varahadpande, Prof 6 Vaze, Sachin 36, 54, Venkatesh Takataki (Parveen Mutalik) 64 Verma, Satish 33 Vikram Sood 88 Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) 40 Wadood, Dr 57, 58 Wadse, Devendra Kumar 7 Yakub Menon 31 Yaseen Bhatkal 37-38 Yasmeen 4, 16, 19, 20, Yervada jail 37, 38, Zabiuddin 31, 62, 64, 65, 97 Zahid Abdul Majid 88 Zahid Patni 56,62, 63 Zakia Jafri 43 By the same author Aggresstive Hindutva Terror and Malegaon First Hindutva Genocide of Muslims and its Architect Decade of the Demagogue and His Demagoguery Mass-Terror Atrocities on Muslims for a Hindu Rashtra Premeditated Framing of Innocent Muslims in False Terror Charges Ishrat Jahan: Sacrificed at the Altar of Hidnutva Moloch Muzaffarnagar